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GEORGE WASHINGTON 



THE LIFE OF 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



Bv JARED SPARKS, LL.D, 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION 

By G. mercer ADAM 



\5^ITH ILLUSTRATIONS 



THE PERKIXS BOOK COMPANY, 

29G Bkoadway, !NiEw York. 



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Copyright, 1903, 
By E. a. BRAINERD, 






INTRODUCTORY XOTE. 

It may be that to-clay there is little new to say of the 
renowned " Father of His country," but there is perennial 
interest in Washington aiiicl m his illustrious career, and 
to every American at least the Revolutionary era and the 
great national hero's intimate connection with it never 
pales or loses freshness, alike for the historical student 
and the general reader. Nor independent of his great 
services for his country and people, in the formative 
stage of the American nation, has Washington's noble, 
disinterested character and " high seriousness," in any 
degree worn off their bloom with the passing years or 
lost any of their charm and powder as an exalted example 
to, and influence on, the heart and mind of the present 
age. To-day he still touches and inspires us with the 
high qualities and splendid patriotism whicli his useful 
career embodies, and which he earnestly expressed in 
those simple but noble documents still preserved to us 
from his pen — the " Farewell Address," and the " Circu- 
lar Letter " he indicted to the several state governors on 
disbanding the army. Nor are his wise counsels and 
strenuous efforts, after his retirement to Mount Vernon, 
forgotten by oui* people to-day, w^ho w^ith appropriate 
fitness continue to cherish his illustrious memory, praise 
his lofty spirit, and applaud his patriotic services to the 
nation. 

In presenting a new edition of the biography of Wash- 
ington, from the pen of the notable historian, Jared 
Sparks, the publishers are influenced by the fact that the 
great national figure we have spoken of is still the 
nation's idol, and that his great services alike, as soldier- 
hero and first President of the United States, are worthy 
not only of continued fame but of ever-reuewed public 
interest. That interest, they are aware, is perpetually 
quickened, by the delightful manner of, no less than by 
the array of important facts narrated by, the able and 
w^ll-informed historian and just but apiDreciative bio- 
grapher. To the work of his interesting, diligent i)en, 
critics of the highest order have long paid hearty tribute, 
and have looked upon Jared Sparks as one of the chief 
benefactors of our national literature, a great and useful 

iii 



iy INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

delver in colonial archives, and a high, aclaiowledged 
authority on Washington's career and life. The materials 
of the Life, it is well-known, were drawn from the most 
varied and well-authenticated sources, mcluding not only 
the mass of manuscripts and correspondence left behind 
him by Washington, and the private papers of the chiei 
actors in the Revolutionary War ; but official documents 
preserved in the ISTational Capital and the capitals of the 
original Thirteen States, besides those filed in the diplo- 
matic bureaus of London and Paris. 

Dr. Sparks, it is admitted, had just the qualities also 
for the great work he undertook in writing the Life of 
Washington, namely, familiarity with the annals of the 
era and the records of the prominent characters of which 
he wrote, besides a wide knowledge of American history 
in general, a wise diligence in selecting his material, and 
the historian's power of utilizing and presenting these 
attractively to the reader in an interesting and graceful 
literary style. As editor and proprietor of the North 
American Review^ and especially as professor of history 
at Harvard, and for some years president of the Univer- 
sity, his intellectual rank and social status are amply 
vouched for ; while his eminence as an author and stu- 
dent of American history are testified to by the National 
Government ; intrusting to him as editor all of Washing- 
ton's correspondence and papers, which he issued in 
collected form in twelve volumes, entitled : " The Diplo- 
matic Correspondence of the American Revolution." Be- 
sides this work, he published " The Writings of George 
Washmgton, with a Life of the Author," in twelve 
volumes, and edited a valuable series of monographs in 
the "Library of American Biography." These several 
achievements, in addition to the great array of his other 
work, led Prescott, the historian, to say of Jared Sparks 
that "his name is imperishably associated with our Rev- 
olutionary period." His " Life of Washington," here 
reproduced, gives the main facts and salient points in 
Washington's hallowed career, and an instructive study 
of the blameless private life and venerated character of 
the illustrious soldier and statesman and early champion 
of American liberties. 

G. Mekcer Adam. 



CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER I. 

Origin of the Washington Family.— John and Lawrence Washington emigrate 
to America.— Birth of George Washington. — His early Education.— His Fond- 
ness for mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical 
Habits Page 1 

CHAPTER 11. 

A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Midshipman. — He be- 
comes a practical Surveyor.— Engages in the Employment of Lord Fairfax. 
—Continues the Business of Surveying for three Years. — Appointed Adjutant 
of one of the Districts in Virginia. — Voyage to Barbadoes with his Brother. 10 

CHAPTER in. 

The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of Virginia.— 
Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Virginia to warn the Intruders 
to retire. — Crosses the Alleghany Mouutains.— Meets Indians on the Ohio 
River, who accompany him to the French Garrison.— Indian Speech.— In- 
terviews with the French Commander.— Perilous Adventures during his 
Journey, and in crossing the Alleghany River.— Returns to Williamsburg 
and reports to the Governor . . 18 

CHAPTER IV. 

Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the Command of 
Major Washington.— Governor Dinwiddle.— Military Preparations.— Wash- 
ington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel.— Marches to the Alleghany Mountains. 
—Joined by Parties of Indians.— Skirmish with a French Detachment under 
Jumonville.— The chief Command devolves on Colonel Washington.— His 
generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Service 30 

CHAPTER V. 

Fort Necessity.— Indians.— Movements of the Army.— Battle of the Great 
Meadows. — Vote of Thanks by the House of Burgesses. — Washington disap- 
proves the Governor's Measures and resigns his Commission. . . . 44 

CHAPTER VI. 

Engages in the Expedition under General Braddock.— Difficulties encountered 
by the Army in its P-Iarch.— Battle of the Mononga,hela.— Its disastrous Re- 
sults.— Bravery and good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action.— 

His prudent Advice to General Braddock 54 

V 



Vi ; CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER Vn. 

Colonel Washington appointed Commander-i»-clii©f of th« Virginia Ferces.— 
Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants.— Difficulties with an Officer hold- 
ing a King's Commission concerning Rank.— Washington visits General 
Shirley at Boston upon this Subject.— His Claim confirmed.- -Returns and 
repairs to his Headquarters at Winchester.— Embarrassments of his 
Situation.— Testimonies of Confidence in his Character and Ability. Page 64 

CHAPTER YIII. 

Occurrences of a Campaign. — Incursions of the Savages.— Plan of Fortifica- 
tions for the nterior.— Fort Cumberland.— Memorial presented by Colonel 
Washington to the Earl of Loudoun on the State of Military Affaix's in Vir- 
ginia.— Governor Dinwiddie sails for England.— An Expedition against Fort 
Duquesne planned by the British Ministry, to be under the Command of 
General Forbes.- The Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Reg- 
ular Troops in this Enterprise. 74 

CHAPTER IX. 

Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland. — Acts in Concert with 
Colonel Bouquet.— Joins the main Armyat Raystown under General Eorbes. 
— Forms a Plan of March suited to the Mountains and Woods.— Commands 
the advanced Division of the Army.— Capture of Fort Duquesne.— He re- 
turns to Virginia, resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life. 83 

CHAPTER X. 

Washington's Marriage.— For many Years a Member of the Virginia House of 
Burgesses.— His Pursuits and Habits as a Planter.— A Vestryman in the 
Church, and active in Parish Affairs.— His Opinion of the Stamp Act. — 
Takes an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by the 
British Government towards the Colonies.— Approves the Non-importation 
Agreements 95 

CHAPTER XI. 

Joins heartily in all the Measures of Opposition. — His Services in procuring 
the Lands promised to the Officers and Soldiers in the French War.— Per- 
forms a Tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting 
those Lands.— Takes an active Part at different Times in the Proceedings of 
the Virginia Legislature in defending the Rights of the Colonies, —His Opin- 
ions on this Subject. — Chosen to command several Independent Companies 
of Militia.— A Delegate to the first and second Virginia Conventions.— A 
Member of the Continental Congress. ..'..,., 106 

CHAPTER XII. 

Meeting of the second Congress.— Washington chosen Commander-in-chief of 
the Continental Army.— Repairs to Cambridge, and takes the Command.— 
State of the Army. — His Intercourse with Congress. — Numerous Affairs de- 
volve on him 119 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Correspondence with General Gage.— Councils of War respecting an Assault 
on Boston. — Organization of a new Continental Army. — Difficulties in procur- 
ing Recruits.— Militia called out.— 5Iaritime Affairs.— Armed Vessels.— 
General Howe takes Command of the British Army.— Condition of the 
American Army at the End of the Year.— Washington's Arrangement of 
his private Affairs. ,.,,,,,,.... 133 



CONTENTS. Yli 

OHAPTER XIV. 

Plans for an Attack on Boston.— Condition of the Army.— Dorchester Heights 
fortified.— Evacuation of Boston. — Troops march to New York.— Washing- 
ton repairs to Congress.— His Views in Regard to the State of the Country. 
— Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them.— Declara- 
tion of Independence Page 147 

CHAPTER XV. 

Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with the Colonies. 
—Mode of addressing Letters to Washington attempted by the British 
Admiral and General.— Strength and Condition of the two Armies.— Battle 
of Long Island.— Remarks on the Battle 161 

CHAPTER XVI. 

New York evacuated, and the British take Possession of the City. — The Amer- 
ican Army posted at Harlem Heights and Fort Washington. — Situation and 
Prospects of the Army.- Its new Organization.— The British land in West- 
chester County, and march into the Country , . . 172 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Washington advances to White Plains and forms an Encampment.— Battle of 
Chatterton's Hill. — Part of the American Army crosses the Hudson. — Cap- 
ture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee. — General Washington retreats 
through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton.— Conduct and 
Character of General Lee. — Reduced State of the Army 183 

CHAPTER XVin. 

General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by Congress. — His 
Manner of using them. — He recrosses the Delaware.— Battle of Trenton. — 
Battle of Princeton.— The Army goes into Winter Quarters at Morristown.— 
Remarks on these events 195 

CHAPTER XIX. 

General Washington's Proclamation.— His Preparations for the next Cam- 
paign. — Exchange of Prisoners. — Condition of the American Prisoners in 
New York.— Military Operations in New Jersey. — The Army crosses the Del- 
aware and encamps near Germantown.— Washington's first Interview with 
Lafayette 207 

CHAPTER XX. 

Sir William Howe lands at the Head of Elk.— Battle of the Brandywine.— New 
Powers conferred on Washington by Congress. — Battle of Germantown. — 
Skirmishes at Whitemarsh. — Sufferings of the Army. — Winter Encamp- 
ment at Valley Forge , 219 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of Washington. — Con- 
way's Cabal. — Persons concerned in it. — Honorable and generous Conduct of 
Lafayette in relation to this Affair , 283 

CHAPTER XXn. 

Sufferings of the Army at Valley Forge.— New Arrangements concerted with 
a Committee of Congress.— Half -pay granted to the Officers for a Term of 
Years.— Proceedings in Regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. . 843 



V,^, CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXm. 

Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce.— Comparative 
Strength of the British and American Armies.— Discussions respecting an 
Attack on Philadelphia.— Plans of the Enemy.— Evacuation of Philadelphia. 
—The Army crosses the Delaware.— Battle of Monmouth.— Arrest and Trial 
of General Lee Page 254 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing.— Plans for combined 
Operations between the Fleet and the American army.— Failure of an At- 
tempt against the Enemy at Rhode Island. — Cantonments of the Army for 
the Winter.—Exchange of prisoners.— Congress.— Project of an Expedition 
to Canada 267 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the next Cam- 
paign. — Sullivan's expedition against the Indians. — The Enemy commences 
a predatory Warfare. — The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk.— 
Stoney Point stormed and taken.— Successful Enterprise against Paulus 
Hook— Washington's Interviews with the French Minister.— Plans proposed 
for co-operating with Count d' Estaing.— The Army goes into Winter Quar- 
ters. — Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects 379 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a French 
Armament was on its Way to the United States.— The Army Takes a Position 
near Hudson's River. — The French Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count 
de Rochambeau's Instructions.— French Fleet blockaded. — Interview be- 
tween General Washington and the French Commander at Hartford. — 
The Treason of Arnold.— Plans for Attacking New York 296 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops —Agency of Washington 
in procuring Supplies from France. --Operations of the Enemy in the Chesa- 
peake. — Detachment to Virginia under Lafayette. — General Washington 
visits Count de Rochambeau at Newport.— Condition of the Array.— Inter- 
view between the American and French Commanders at Weathersfield.— 
Plan of Operations. — A Combined Attack on New York proposed. . . 308 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Junction between the American and French Armies.— Intelligence from Count 
de Grasse in the West Indies changes the Objects of the Campaign.— Suc- 
cessful Operations of Lafayette against Cornwallis. — The combined Armies 
cross the Hudson and march to Virginia.— The Fleet of Count de Grasse en- 
ters the Chesapeake.— Siege of Yorktown.— Capitulation.— The American 
Army returns to Hudson's River ; the French remain in Virginia. . . 320 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by General 
Washington and approved by Congress.— Lafayette returns to France.— 
The Affair of Captain Asgill.— Backwardness of the States in recruiting 
the Army.— Proposal to General Washington to assume Supreme PoAver, 
and his reply.— Sir Guy Carleton gives Notice, that Negotiations for Peace 
had begun.— The French Troops march from Virginia, join General Wash- 
ington, and afterwards embark at Boston 332 



CONTENTS. ^ ix 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Dissatisfaction of the Army.— The Officers send a Memorial to Congress.— 
The anonymous Addresses at Newburg.— Intelligence arrives, that a Treaty 
of Peace had been signed at Paris.—General Washington's Sentiments con- 
cerning the civil Government of the Union.— His Circular Letter to the 
States.— He makes a Tour to the North.— Repairs to Congress at the Re- 
quest of that Body.— His Farewell Address to the Army.— The British 
evacuate New York.— Washington resigns his Commission, and retires to 
private Life at Mount Vernon Page 341 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his public Services. — 
His Feelings on being relieved from the Burden of Office. — Devotes him- 
self to Agriculture.— Makes a tour to the Western Country.— His ex- 
tensive Plans for internal Navigation. — These Plans adopted by the State 
of Virginia.— Visit of the Marquis de Lafayette to America.- W^ashington 
refuses to accept a Donation from the State of Virginia. — His liberal Acts 
for the Encouragement of Education. — Approves the Countess of Hunt- 
ington's Scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the Indians. . . . 356 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

His operations in Farming and Horticulture.- Visitors at Mount Vernon.— 
His Habits.— Houdon's Statue.— Condition of the Country and Defects of the 
Confederacy.— Washington's Sentiments tLereon.— First Steps towards 
effecting a Reform.— Convention at Annapolis 368 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Proposal fcr a general Convention, and Washington appointed a delegate 
from Virginia.— His Reasons for wishing to decline.— Society of the Cin- 
cinnati.— Washington accepts the Appointment as Delegate. — Attends the 
Convention, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to the New Con- 
stitution.— His Opinion of the Constitution.— It is adopted by the People. 
—Washington chosen the first President of the United States. . . .377 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

He receives official Notice of being chosen President.— His Journey to the Seat 
of Government at New York.— His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech.-— 
Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs.— His Attention to his 
private Pursuits.— His Manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Com- 
pany.— Afflicted with a severe Illness. — Death of his Mother.— Economy of 
his Household. — Executive Departments formed 388 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

Officers of the Executive Departments appointed.— Judiciary System organ- 
ized.— His Rule in Appointments to Office.— His Journey through the East- 
ern States.— System of Funding the Public Debts.— Place for the permanent 
Seat of Government agreed upon 399 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Th« President visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon.— Foreign Relations of 
the United States.— France, England, Spain.— Indian War.— Washington's 
Policy respecting the Indians.— Congress meets at Philadelphia.— A National 
Bank established. — Tax on distilled Spirits.— The President's Tour through 
the Southern States.— Apportionment Bill 410 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXXVn. 

Washington is elected President for a Second Term.— Takes the Oath of OfiRce 
— Relations between the United States and France. — Opinions of the Cabi- 
net.— Proclamations of Neutrality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. — 
Genet received as Minister from France.— His extraordinary Conduct.— 
Meeting of Congress.— The President recommends Measures of Defense. — 
Commercial Affairs.— Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. — Mr. Jay 
appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England.— Mill- 
tary Preparations Page 416 

CHAPTER XXXVIII, 

Insurrection in Pennsylvania.— Measures adopted by the President for sup- 
pressing it.— Plan for redeeming the Public Debt.— The British Treaty rati- 
fied by the Senate.— Popular Excitement respecting it.— The Treaty con- 
firmed by the Signature of the President. — Resignation of Mr. Randolph. — 
Circumstances attending it 427 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in 
relation to the British Treaty.— Captivity of Lafayette, and Means used by 
Washington to procure his Liberation.— Difficulties with France in regard 
to the British Treaty.— Recall of Mr. Monroe.— Washington's Farewell Ad- 
dress.— His last Speech to Congress.— Inauguration of his Successor. — Testi- 
mony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Philadelphia.— He retires 
to Mount Vernon.— Review of his Administration 438 

CHAPTER XL. 

Washington devotes himself to his private Affairs.— Troubles between France 
and the United States.— Preparations for War.— Washington appointed 
Commander-in-chief of the Provisional Army of the United States.— Organ- 
ization and Arrangement of the Army.— Disputes v/ith France adjusted.— 
His last Illness and Death.— His Character 448 



LIFE 

OP 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



CHAPTER I. 



Origin of the Washington Family.— John and Lawrence Washington emigrate 
to Amei-ica.— Birth of George Washington.— His early Education.— His Fond- 
ness for mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical 
Habits. 

The name of Washington, as applied to a family, is 
proved from authentic records to have been first known 
about the middle of the thirteenth century. There 
was previously a manor of that name in the County of 
Durham, in England, the proprietor of which, accord- 
ing to a custom not unusual in those days, took the 
name of his estate. From this gentleman, who was 
originally called William de Hertburn, have descended 
the branches of the Washington family, which have 
since spread themselves over various parts of Great 
Britain and America. 

Few individuals of the family have attained to such 
eminence in the eye of the public, as to give perpetuity 
to the memory of their deeds or their character ; yet, 
in the local histories of England, the name is fre- 
quently mentioned with respect, and as denoting per- 
sons of consideration, wealth, and influence. Among 
them were scholars, divines, and lawyers, well known 
to their contemporaries. Several received the honors 



2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 

of knighthood. Sir Henry Washington is renowned 
for his bravery and address in sustaining the siege of 
Worcester against the Parliamentary forces during the 
civil wars, and is commended by Clarendon for his 
good conduct at the taking of Bristol. For the most 
part it would appear, however, from such facts as can 
now be ascertained, that the heads of families were 
substantial proprietors of lands, residing on their 
estates and holding a reputable station in the higher 
class of agriculturists. Proofs of their opulence may 
still be seen in the monuments erected in churches, 
and the records of the transfer of property. 

In the year 1538, the manor of Sulgrave, in Is'orth- 
amptonshire, w^as granted to Lawrence Washington, 
of Grav's Inn, and for some time Mayor of Northamp- 
ton. He was probably born at Warton, in Lancashire, 
where his father lived. The grandson of this first 
proprietor of Sulgrave, who was of the same name, 
had many children, two of whom, that is, John and 
Lawrence Washington, being the second and fourth 
sons, emigrated to Virginia about the year 1657, and 
settled at Bridge's Creek, on the Potomac Kiver, in 
the County of Westmoreland. The eldest brother, Sir 
William Washington, married a half-sister of George 
Yilliers, Duke of Buckingham. Lawrence had been 
a student at Oxford. John had resided on an estate 
at South Cave in Yorkshire, which gave rise to an 
erroneous tradition among his descendants, that their 
ancestor came from the JSTorth of England. The tw^o 
brothers bought lands in Virginia, and became success- 
ful planters. 

John Washington, not long after coming to Amer- 
ica, was employed in a military command against the 
Indians, and rose to the rank of Colonel. The parish, 
also, in which he lived was named after him. He 
married Anne Pope, by whom he had two sons, 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 

Lawrence and John, and a daughter. The elder son, 
Lawrence, married Mildred Warner, of Gloucester 
County, and had three children, John, Augustine, and 
Mildred. 

Augustine Washington, the second son, was twice 
married. His first wife was Jane Butler, by whom he 
had three sons and a daughter ; Butler, who died in in- 
fancy, Lawrence, Augustine, and Jane, the last of whom 
died likewise when a child. By his second wife, Mary 
Ball, to whom he was married on the 6th of March, 
1730, he had six children, George, Betty, Samuel, John 
Augustine, Charles, and Mildred. George Washington 
was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on the 
22d of February, 1732, being the eldest son by the 
second marriage, great-grandson of John Washington, 
who emigrated to America, and the sixth in descent 
from the first Lawrence Washington of Sulgrave. 

At the time of George Washington's birth, his father 
resided near the banks of the Potomac in Westmore- 
land County ; but he removed not long afterwards to 
an estate owned by him in Stafford County, on the 
east side of the Kappahannock Eiver, opposite Freder- 
icksburg. Here he lived till his death, which hap- 
pened, after a sudden and short illness, on the 12th of 
April, 1743, at the age of forty-nine. He was buried at 
Bridge's Creek, in the tomb of his ancestors. Little is 
known of his character or his acts. It appears by his 
will, however, that he possessed a large and valuable 
property in lands ; and, as this had been acquired 
chiefly by his own industry and enterprise, it may be 
inferred, that, in the concerns of business, he was me- 
thodical, skilful, honorable, and energetic. His occu- 
pation was that of a planter, which, from the first 
settlement of the country, had been the pursuit of 
nearly all the principal gentlemen of Yirginia. 

Each of his sons inherited from him a separate plan- 



4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 

tation. To the eldest, Lawrence, he bequeathed an 
estate near Hunting Creek, afterwards Mount Yernon, 
which then consisted of twenty-five hundred acres; 
and also other lands, and shares in iron-works situated 
in Virginia and Maryland, which were productive. 
The second son had for his part an estate in West- 
moreland. To Georsre were left the lands and mansion 
where his father lived at the time of his decease ; and 
to each of the other sons, an estate of six or seven hun- 
dred acres. The youngest daughter died when an 
infant, and for the only remaining one a suitable pro- 
vision was made in the will. It is thus seen, that 
Augustine Washington, although suddenly cut off in 
the vigor of manhood, left all his children in a state 
of comparative independence. Confiding in the pru- 
dence of the mother, he directed that the proceeds of 
all the property of her children should be at her dis- 
posal, till they should respectively come of age. 

This weighty charge of five young children, the 
eldest of whom was eleven years old, the superintend- 
ence of their education, and the management of com- 
plicated affairs, demanded no common share of resolu- 
tion, resource of mind, and strength of character. In 
these important duties Mrs. Washington acquitted 
herself with great fidelity to her trust, and with en- 
tire success. Her good sense, assiduity, tenderness, 
and vigilance overcame every obstacle ; and, as the 
richest reward of a mother's solicitude and toil, she 
had the happiness to see all her children come forward 
with a fair promise into life, filling the sphere allotted 
to them in a manner equally honorable to themselves, 
and to the parent who had been the only guide of 
their principles, conduct, and habits. She lived to 
witness the noble career of her eldest son, till by his 
own rare merits he was raised to the head of a nation, 
and applauded and revered by the whole world. It 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 

has been said, that there never was a great man, the 
elements of whose greatness might not be traced to 
the original characteristics or early influence of his 
mother. If this be true, how much do mankind owe to 
the mother of Washington. 

Under the colonial governments, particularly in the 
southern provinces, the means of education were cir- 
cumscribed. The thinness of population, and the broad 
line which separated the rich from the poor, prevented 
the establishment of schools on such a basis as would 
open the door of instruction to all classes, and thus 
prepare the way for higher seminaries of learning. 
Young men destined for the learned professions, whose 
parents could afford the expense, were occasionally 
sent to England. But the planters generally sought 
no other education for their sons, than such as would 
fit them to be practical men of business. In a few 
cases, this was derived from a private tutor ; in others, 
from a teacher of the common schools, whose qualifi- 
cations would naturally be limited to the demands of 
his employers, and who was seldom competent to im- 
part more than the simplest elements of knowledge. 
When he had inculcated the mysteries of reading, 
writing, arithmetic, and keeping accounts his skill was 
exhausted, and the duties of his vocation were ful- 
filled. If his pupils aspired to higher attainments, 
they were compelled to leave their master behiud, and 
find their way without a guide. 

To a school of this description was George Wash- 
ington indebted for all the aids his mind received in 
its early discipline and culture. How far he profited 
by these slender advantages, or was distinguished for 
his application and love of study, can only be conjec- 
tured fi:om the results. Tradition reports, that he 
was inquisitive, docile, and diligent ; but it adds, that 
his military propensities and passion for active sports 



^ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 

displayed themselves in bis boyhood ; that be formed 
bis schoolmates into companies, who paraded, marched, 
and fought mimic battles, in which he was always the 
commander of one of the parties. He had a fondness for 
the athletic amusements of running, jumping, wrest- 
ling, tossing bars, and other feats of agility and bodily 
exercise. Indeed it is well known, that these practises 
were continued by him after he had arrived at the age of 
mature life. It has also been said, that while at school 
his probity and demeanor were such, as to win the def- 
erence of the other boys, who were accustomed to make 
him the arbiter of their disputes, and never failed to 
be satisfied with his judgment. Such are some of the 
incidents of his juvenile years, remembered and related 
by his contemporaries after he had risen to greatness. 
There are not wanting evidences of his early pro- 
ficiency in some branches of study. His manuscript 
schoolbooks, from the time he was thirteen years old, 
have been preserved. He had already mastered the 
difficult parts of arithmetic, and these books begin 
with geometry. But there is one, of a previous date, 
which deserves notice, as giving an insight into the 
original cast of his mind, and the subjects to which 
his education was directed. It is singular, that a boy 
of thirteen should occupy himself in studying the dry 
and intricate forms of business, which are rarely at- 
tended to till the affairs of life call them into use, and 
even then rather as an act of necessity than of pleasure. 
But many pages of the manuscript in question are 
taken up with copies of what he calls Forms of writ- 
ing^ such as notes of hand, bills of exchange, receipts, 
bonds, indentures, bills of sale, land warrants, leases, 
deeds, and wills, written out with care, the prominent 
words in large and varied characters in imitation of a 
clerk's hand. Then follow selections in rhyme, more 
distinguished for the sentiments they contain, and 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 

the religious tone that pervades them, than for their 
poetical beauties. 

But the most remarkable part of the book is that, in 
which is compiled a system of maxims and regulations 
of conduct, drawn from miscellaneous sources, and ar- 
ranged under the head of Rules of Behavior in Com,- 
jpany and Conversation. Some of these are unimpor- 
tant, and suited only to form the habits of a child ; 
others are of a higher import, fitted to soften and pol- 
ish the manners, to keep alive the best affections of 
the heart, to impress the obligation of the moral 
virtues, to teach what is due to others in the social 
relations, and above all to inculcate the practise of a 
perfect self-control. 

In studying the character of Washington it is obvi- 
ous that this code of rules had an influence upon 
his whole life. His temperament was ardent, his pas- 
sions strong, and, amidst the multiplied scenes of 
temptation and excitement through which he passed, 
it was his constant effort and ultimate triumph to 
check the one and subdue the other. His intercourse 
with men, private and public, in every walk and 
station, was marked with a consistency, a fitness to 
occasions, a dignity, decorum, condescension and mild- 
ness, a respect for the claims of others, and a delicate 
preception of the nicer shades of civility, which were 
not more the dictates of his native good sense and in- 
comparable judgment, than the fruits of a long and 
unwearied discipline. 

He left school in the autumn preceding his sixteenth 
birthday. The last two years had been devoted to the 
study of geometry, trigonometry, and surveying, for 
which he had a decided partiality. It is probable, also, 
that his friends, discovering this inclination, encour- 
aged him in yielding to it, with the view of qualifying 
him for the profession of a surveyor, which was then 



S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 

a lucrative employment, and led to opportunities of 
selecting valuable new lands. During the last summer 
he was at school, we find him surveying the fields 
around the schoolhouse and in the adjoining plantations, 
of which the boundaries, angles, and measurements, the 
plots and calculations, are entered with formality and 
precision in his books. 

Nor was his skill confined to the more simple proc- 
esses of the art. He used logarithms, and proved the 
accuracy of his work by different methods. The man- 
uscripts fill several quires of paper, and are remarkable 
for the care with which they were kept, the neatness 
and uniformity of the handwriting, the beauty of the 
diagrams, and a precise method and arrangement in 
copying out tables and columns of figures. 

These particulars will not be thought too trivial to 
be mentioned, when it is known, that he retained sim- 
ilar habits through life. His business papers, day- 
books, ledgers, and letter-books, in which, before the 
Revolution, no one wrote but himself, exhibits speci- 
mens of the same studious care and exactness. Every 
fact occupies a clear and distinct place, the handwrit- 
ing is round and regular, without interlineations, blots, 
or blemishes; and, if mistakes occurred, the faulty 
words were so skilfully erased and corrected, as to 
render the defect invisible except to a scrutinizing 
eye. The constructing of tables, diagrams, and other 
figures relating to numbers or classification, was an ex- 
ercise in which he seems at all times to have taken 
much delight. If any of his farms were to be divided 
into new lots, a plan was first drawn on paper ; if he 
meditated a rotation of crops, or a change in the mode 
of culture, the various items of expense, labor, prod- 
ucts, and profits were reduced to tabular forms ; and 
in his written instructions to his managers, which were 
annually repeated, the same method was pursued. 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 

Except the above brandies of the mathematics, his 
acquirements did not extend beyond the subjects usu- 
ally taught to boys of his age at the common schools. 
It is even doubtful whether he received any instruc- 
tion in the principles of language. His earliest compo- 
sitions were often faulty in grammatical construction. 
By practise, reading, and study, he gradually over- 
came this defect, till at length he wrote with accuracy, 
purity of idiom, and a striking appropriateness of phra- 
seology and clearness of style. In the choice of his 
words, to express precisely and forcibly his meaning, 
he was always scrupulous. In this respect his lan- 
guage may be said to have reflected the image of his 
mind, in which candor, sincerity, and directness were 
prevailing traits. 

No aid was derived from any other than his native 
tongue. Pie never even commenced the study of the 
ancient classics. After the French officers had joined 
the American army in the Eevolution, and particularly 
w^hile the forces under Count de Eochambeau were in 
the countr}^, he bestowed some degree of attention on 
that language ; but at no time could he write or con- 
verse in it, or indeed translate any paper. 



10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 



CHAPTER 11. 

A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Midshipman. — He be- 
comes a practical Surveyor.— Engages in the Employment of Lord Faii-fax. 
— Continues the Business of Surveying for three Years.— Appointed Adjutant 
of one of the Districts in Virginia.— Voyage to Barbadoes with his Brother. 

While at school a project v^as entertained by his 
friends, which, if it had been matured, would have 
changed his own destiny, and perhaps have produced 
an important influence upon that of his country. His 
eldest brother, Lawrence, had been an officer in the 
late war, and served at the siege of Carthagena and in 
the .West Indies. Being a well informed and accom- 
plished gentleman, he had acquired the esteem and con- 
fidence of General Wentworth and Admiral Yernon, 
the commanders of the expedition, with whom he 
afterwards kept up a friendly correspondence. Hav- 
ing observed the military turn of his young brother, 
and looking upon the British navy as the most direct 
road to distinction in that line, he obtained for George 
a midshipman's warrant, in the year 1746, when he 
was fourteen years old. This step was taken with his 
acquiescence, if not at his request, and he prepared 
with a buoyant spirit for his departure ; but, as the 
time approached, the solicitude of his mother inter- 
posed with an authority, to which nature gave a 
claim. 

At this critical juncture, Mr. Jackson, a friend of 
the family, wrote to Lawrence Washington as follows. 
" I am afraid Mrs. Washington will not keep up to 
her first resolution. She seems to dislike George's 
going to sea, and says several persons have told her it 



uEt. 14.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. H 

was a bad scheme. She offers several trifling objec- 
tions, such as fond, unthinking mothers habitually 
suggest ; and I find that one word against his going 
has more weight than ten for it." She persisted in 
opposing the plan, and it was given up. I^or ought 
this decision to be ascribed to obstinacy, or maternal 
weakness. This was her eldest son, whose character 
and manners must already have exhibited a promise, 
full of solace and hope to a widowed mother, on whom 
alone devolved the charge of four younger children. 
To see him separated from her at so tender an age, ex- 
posed to the perils of accident and the world's rough 
usage, vv ithout a parent's voice to counsel or a parent's 
hand to guide, and to enter on a theater of action, 
which would forever remove him from her presence, 
was a trial of her fortitude and sense of duty, which 
she could not be expected to hazard without reluctance 
and concern. 

Soon after leaving school he went to reside with his 
brother Lawrence, at his seat on the Potomac Kiver, 
which had been called Mount Yernon, in compliment 
to the admiral of that name. The winter was passed 
in his favorite study of the mathematics, and in the 
exercise of practical surveying, merely Avith the view 
of becoming familiar with the application of principles 
and the use of instruments. At this time he was in- 
troduced to Lord Fairfax, and other members of the 
Fairfax family, established in that part of Virginia. 

Lawrence Washington had married a daughter of 
William Fairfax, a gentleman of consideration on ac- 
count of his wealth, character, and political station, 
being many years a member and for some time presi- 
dent of his Majesty's Council in the Colony. His seat 
was at Belvoir, a short distance from Mount Yernon. 

He had an interesting family of several sons and 
datighters, intelligent and qultivatedj with whom 



12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1748. 

George associated on terms of intimacy, and formed 
attachments that were ever after valuable to him. In 
the father he found a friend and adviser, as well as a 
man skilled in affairs, of wide experience, and of an 
enlightened understanding. To his fortunate acquaint- 
ance with this family he was mainly indebted for the 
opportunities of performing those acts, which laid the 
foundation of his subsequent successes and advance- 
ment. 

Lord Fairfax, a distant relative of William Fairfax, 
was a man of an eccentric turn of mind, of great pri- 
vate worth, generous, and hospitable. Possessing by 
inheritance a vast tract of country, situate between 
the Potomac and Pappahannock rivers, and stretching 
across the Alleghany Mountains, he made a voyage to 
Yirginia to examine this domain. So well pleased 
was he with the climate and mode of life, that he re- 
solved, after going back to England and arranging 
his affairs, to return and spend his days in the midst 
of this remote territory. 

The immense tracts of wild lands, belonging to Lord 
Fairfax in the rich valleys of the Alleghany Mountains, 
had not been surveyed. Settlers were finding their 
way up the streams, selecting the fertile places, and 
securing an occupancy without warrant or license. 
To enable the proprietor to claim his quitrents and 
give legal titles, it was necessary that those lands 
should be divided into lots and accurately measured. 
So favorable an opinion had he formed of the abilities 
and attainments of young Washington, that he intrusted 
to him this responsible service ; and he set off on his 
first surveying expedition in March, just a month from 
the day he was sixteen years old, accompanied by 
George Fairfax, the eldest son of William Fairfax. 

The enterprise was arduous, requiring discretion and 
skill, and attended with privations and fatigues to 



^T. 16.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 

which he had not been accustomed. After crossing the 
first range of the Alleghanies, the party entered the 
wilderness. From that time their nights were passed 
under the open sky, or in tents, or rude cabins afford- 
ing but a treacherous shelter against the inclemency 
of the weather. The winds sometimes beat upon them, 
and prostrated them to the ground. Winter still lin- 
gered on the summits of the mountains ; the rivers, 
swollen by melting snows and recent rains, were im- 
passable at the usual fords, except by swimming the 
horses ; the roads and paths through the woods were ob- 
structed by swamps, rocks, and precipices. The lands 
surveyed by him lay on the South Branch of the 
Potomac, seventy miles above its junction with the 
other branch of that river. 

The task was executed in such a manner, as to give 
entire satisfaction to his employer, confirm the good 
opinion of his friends, and establish his reputation as a 
surveyor. On other accounts it was beneficial to him. 
It inspired a confidence in himself, kindled fresh hopes, 
and prepared the way for new successes. He had 
moreover acquired a knowledge of parts of the 
country hitherto little known, which were to be the 
scene of his first military operations ; and had wit- 
•nessed modes of life, with which it was necessary for 
him to become familiar in fulfilling the high trusts that 
awaited him. During this expedition he was also 
present at an Indian war dance, and had his first in- 
terview with a race on whose condition in peace and 
war he was to have a wider infiuence than any other 
man. 

Having received a commission or appointment, as a 
public surveyor, which gave authority to his surveys, 
and enabled him to enter them in the county offices, 
he devoted three years to this pursuit, without any in- 
tervals of relaxation except the winter months, For- 



14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1751. 

tions of each year were passed among the Alleghanies, 
where he surveyed lands on branches of the Potomac 
Eiver, which penetrated far in a southern direction 
among the lofty ridges and spurs of those mountains. 
The exposures and hardships of these expeditions could 
be endured only for a few weeks together. As a relief, 
he would come down into the settled parts, and survey 
private tracts and farms, thus applying himself to the 
uninterrupted exercise of his profession. 

There being few surveyors at that time in Virginia, 
and the demand for them great, the pay allowed for 
their services was proportionably high. By diligence 
and habits of despatch, the employment was lucrative ; 
and, what was more important, his probity and talents 
for business were at a very early age made known to 
gentlemen, whose standing in society rendered their 
friendship and interest a substantial benefit. During 
these three years his home was with his brother at Mount 
Yernon, as being nearer the scene of his labors than 
his mother's residence ; but he often visited her, and 
assisted in the superintendence of her affairs. 

At the age of nineteen his character had made so 
favorable an impression, that he was appointed to an 
office of considerable distinction and responsibility by 
the government of Virginia. The frontiers were 
threatened with Indian depredations and French en- 
croachments, and, as a precautionary measure, it was 
resolved to put the militia in a condition for defence. 
To carry this into effect, the province was divided into 
districts, having in each an officer called an adjutant- 
general with the rank of major, whose duty it was to 
assemble and exercise the militia, inspect their arms, 
and enforce all the regulations for discipline prescribed 
by the laws. George Washington was comraissioTKs'i 
to take charge of one of these districts. The post vv^as 
probably obtained through th§ influence of his brother 



Mr. 19.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 

and "William Fairfax, the formei' a delegate in the 
House of Burgesses, and the latter a meinber of the 
Governor's Council. The pay was one hundred and 
fifty pounds a year. 

His military propensities had not subsided. They 
rather increased with his years. In Virginia were 
many oificers, besides his brother, who had served in 
the recent war. Under their tuition he studied tac- 
tics, learned the manual exercise, and became expert 
in the use of the sword. He read the principal books 
on the military art, and joined practice to theory as 
far as circumstances would permit. This new station, 
therefore, was in accordance with his inclinations, and 
he entered upon it with alacrity and zeal. 

But he had scarcely engaged in this service, when he 
was called to perform another duty, deeply interesting 
in its claims on his sensibility and fraternal affection. 
Lawrence Washington, originally of a slender consti- 
tution, had been for some time suffering under a pul- 
monary attack, which was now thought to be ap- 
proaching a dangerous crisis. The physicians recom- 
mended a voyage to the West Indies, and the experi- 
ment of a warmer climate. The necessity of having 
some friend near him, and his attachment to George, 
were reasons for desiring his company. They sailed 
for Barbadoes in the month of September, 1751, and 
landed on that island after a passage of five weeks. 

The change of air, the hospitality of the inhabitants, 
the novelty of the scene, and the assiduous attentions 
of his brother, revived the spirits of the patient, and 
seemed at first to renovate his strength. But the hope 
was delusive, and the old symptoms returned. The 
trial of a few weeks produced no essential alteration 
for the better ; and he determined to proceed to Ber- 
muda in the spring, and that in the meantime his 
t)rotlier shoul4 go back to Yirgini^j mi acQompany 



le LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1752. 

his wife to that island. Accordingly, George took 
passage in a vessel bound to the Chesapeake, and, after 
encountering a most tempestuous voyage, reached home 
in February, having been absent somewhat more than 
four months. 

He had the smallpox in Barbadoes. The disease was 
severe, but with the aid of good medical attendance, 
he was able to go abroad in three weeks. 

The first letter from his brother at Bermuda gave 
an encouraging account of his health, and expressed a 
wish that his wife should join him there ; but it was 
followed by another, of a different tenor, which pre- 
vented her departure. Finding no essential relief, he 
came home in the summer, and sank rapidly into his 
grave, at the age of thirty-four, leaving a Avife, an in- 
fant daughter, and a large circle of friends, to deplore 
a loss keenly felt by them all. Few men have been 
more beloved for their amiable qualities, or admired 
for those higher traits of character which give dignity 
to virtue, and a charm to accomplishments of mind 
and manners. 

By this melancholy event, new duties and respon- 
sibilities devolved upon George. Large estates were 
left by the deceased brother, the immediate care of 
which demanded his oversight. Pie had likewise been 
appointed one of the executors of the will, in which 
was an eventual interest of considerable magnitude 
pertaining to himself. The estate at Mount Yernon 
was bequeathed to the surviving daughter; and, in 
case of her demise without issue, this estate and other 
lands were to pass to George, with the reservation of 
the use of the same to the wife during her lifetime. 
Although he was the youngest executor, ^-et his ac- 
quaintance with his brother's concerns, and the con- 
fidence always reposed in him by the deceased, were 
grounds for placing the business principally in his 



^T. 20.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 

hands. His time and thoughts, for several months, 
were taken up with these affairs, complicated in their 
nature, and requiring delicacy and caution in their 
management. 

His private employments, however, did not draw 
him away from his public duties as adjutant-general. 
Indeed, the sphere of that office was enlarged. Soon 
after Governor Dinwiddle came to Virginia, the colony 
was portioned into four grand military divisions. 
Major Washington's appointment was then renewed, 
and the northern division was allotted to him. It in- 
cluded several counties, each of which was to be visited 
at stated times by the adjutant, in order to train and 
instruct the militia officers, review the companies on 
parade, inspect the arms and accoutrements, and estab- 
lish a uniform system of manoeuvres and discipline. 
These exercises, so congenial to his taste, were equally 
advantageous to himself and to the subordinate officers, 
who could not fail to be animated by his example, 
activity, and enthusiasm. 



13 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 



CHAPTER III. 

The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of Virginia.— 
Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Virginia to warn the Intruders 
to retire.— Crosses the Alleghany Mouutains.— Meets Indians on the Ohio 
River, who accompany him to the French Garrison.— Indian Speech.— In- 
terviews with the French Commander.— Perilous Adventures during his 
Journey, and in crossing the Alleghany River.— Returns to Williamsburg 
and reports to the Governor. 

The time was now at hand, when the higher des- 
tinies of Washington were to unfold themselves. In- 
telligence came from the frontier, that the French had 
crossed the Lakes from Canada in force, and were about 
to establish posts and erect fortifications on the w^aters 
of the Ohio. It was rumored, also, that, alarmed for 
their safety, the friendly Indians were beginning to 
waver in their fidelity ; and the hostile tribes, encour- 
aged by the presence and support of the French, ex- 
hibited symptoms of open war. The crisis, in the 
opinion of Governor Dinwdddie and his Council, called 
for an immediate inquiry. A messenger had already 
been sent over the mountains in the character of a 
trader, with presents of powder, lead, and guns for 
the Indians, instructed to ascertain their temper, pene- 
trate their designs, and, above all, to trace out the 
artifices and movements of the French. 

This messeno^er, either intimidated or deceived bv 
the savages, executed his mission imperfectly. He went 
as far as the Ohio Kiver, met some of the friendly 
sachems, delivered his presents, stayed a few days with 
them, and then returned. He brought back various 
reports concerning the French, narrated to him by tbe 
Indians, who had been in their camp at Lake Erie, 
imd who magnified their strength and formidable? 



^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 

appearance, telling him, that they took every English- 
man prisoner, whom they found beyond the Alleghanies, 
because all that country belonged to the French King, 
and no Englishman had a right to trade with the 
Indians in the King's territory. 

In the mean time the British ministry, anticipating 
from the political aspect of affairs a rupture with 
France, despatched orders to the governor of Virginia 
to build two forts near the Ohio Kiver, for the purpose 
of securing possession, driving off intruders, and re- 
taining the alliance of the Indians, or holding them in 
check. Thirtv pieces of light cannon and eighty 
barrels of powder were sent out from England for the 
use of the forts. 

These orders came too late. Before they arrived, 
the governor of Canada had been diligently employed 
for a whole season in pushing forward troops across 
the Lakes, with munitions of war and other supplies, 
and a footing had already been gained in the heart of 
the disputed territory. Bodies of armed men had like- 
wise ascended the Mississippi from E'ew Orleans to act 
in concert, and established themselves on the southern 
waters of the Ohio. 

As a first step towards executing the orders of the 
ministers. Governor Dinwiddle resolved to send a com- 
missioner in due form, and invested with suitable 
powers, to confer with the officer .commanding the 
French forces, and inquire by what authority he pre- 
sumed to invade the King's dominions, and what were 
his designs. The commission was delicate and hazard- 
ous, requiring discretion, ability, experience in the 
modes of traveling in the woods, and a knowledge of 
Indian manners. These requisites were believed to be 
combiaedin Major Washington, and the important ser- 
vice was intrusted to him, although as yet but twenty- 
one years old. 



20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11753. 

Fortified with written instructions, with credentials 
and a passport to which the great seal of the colony 
was affixed, he departed from Williamsburg, the seat 
of government in Virginia, on the 31st of October, 
1753. The distance before him to the extreme point 
of his destination, by the route he would pursue, was 
about five hundred and sixty miles, in great part over 
lofty and rugged mountains, and more than half of 
the way through the heart of a wilderness, where no 
traces of civilization as yet appeared. 

Passing through the towns of Fredericksburg, Alex- 
andria, and Winchester, he arrived at Will's Creek in 
fourteen days. John Davidson had joined him as In- 
dian interpreter ; and Jacob Yanbraam, a Dutchman 
by birth, and formerly an officer in the army, was em- 
ployed to assist in his intercourse with the French, 
being acquainted with their language. At Will's 
Creek he found Mr. Gist, a person long accustomed to 
the woods, having several times penetrated far into 
the interior, and lately begun a settlement in the val- 
ley between the last ridge of the Alleghanies and the 
Monongahela River. Mr. Gist consented to go with 
him as a guide. Four other men, two of them In- 
dian traders, were added as attendants. 

The party was now increased to eight persons. 
With horses, tents, baggage, and provisions, suited to 
the expedition, they left the extreme verge of civiliza- 
tion at Will's Creek, and entered the forests. The in- 
clemency of the season, the Alleghanies covered with 
snow and the valleys flooded by the swelling waters, 
the rough passages over the mountains and the diffi- 
culties in crossing the streams by frail rafts, ford- 
ing, or swimming, were obstacles that could be over- 
come but slowly and with patience. They at length 
reached the Fork of the Ohio, where the Monongahela 
and Alleghany unite to form that river. The place was 



^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 

critically examined by Major Washington, and he was 
impressed with the advantages it afforded as a mili- 
tary post, both for defense and a depository of sup- 
plies, in case of hostilities in that quarter ; and it was 
by his advice, that a fortification was shortly after- 
wards begun there, which became celebrated in two 
wars. 

Hastening onward to Logstown, about twenty miles 
below the Fork, he called together some of the Indian 
chiefs, and delivered to them the governor's message, 
soliciting a guard to the French encampments. The 
principal sachem was Tanacharison, otherwise called 
the Half-King. He was friendly to the English, or 
rather he was unfriendly to the French ; not that he 
loved one more than the other, but he valued his rights 
and independence. In the simplicity of his heart, 
he supposed the English sought only an intercourse 
of trade, an exchange of arms, powder, and goods, 
for skins and furs, which would be beneficial to the 
Indians. When the French came with arms in their 
hands, took possession of the countrj^, and built forts, 
his suspicions were awakened, and he saw no other 
method of defeating their designs, than by adhering to 
the English. Tanacharison, as a deputy from several 
tribes, had been to the head-quarters of the French 
commandant, and made a speech to him, the substance 
of which he related to Major Washington. 

" Fathers," said he, " I am come to tell you your 
own speeches ; what your own mouths have declared. 
Fathers, you in former days set a silver basin before 
us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired 
all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace 
and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another ; and 
that if any such person should be found to be a dis- 
turber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, 
which you must scourge them with ; and if your father 



22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 

should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may 
use it upon me as well as others. 

" IN'ow, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in 
this land, by coming and building your towns, and 
taking it away unknown to us, and by force. 

" Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a 
place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, 
and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now 
desire you may despatch to that place ; for be it known 
to you, fathers, that this is our land and not yours. 

" Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if 
not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for 
the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a 
peaceable manner, like our brothers the English, we 
would not have been against your trading with us as 
they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon 
our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot 
submit to. 

" Fathers, both you and the English are white ; we 
live in a country between ; therefore, the land belongs 
to neither one nor the other. But the Great Being 
above allowed it to be a place of residence for us ; so, 
fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our 
brothers the English ; for I will keep you at arm's 
length. I lay this down as a trial for both, to see 
which will have the greatest regard to it, and that 
side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. 
Our brothers, the English, have heard this, and I come 
now to tell it to you ; for I am not afraid to discharge 
3^ou off this land." 

The sachems at length met in council, and Major 
"Washington addressed to them a speech, explaining 
the objects of his mission, and the wishes of the gov- 
ernor. He then gave them a string of wampum, the 
Indian token of friendship and alliance. They con- 
sulted together, and deputed Tanacharison to reply in 



jEt. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 

the name of the whole. His language was pacific, 
and the escort was promised ; but, the young warriors 
being out on a hunting party, three or four days were 
consumed in waiting for their return. As his business 
was pressing, Major Washington could delay no longer, 
and he finally set off, accompanied by four Indians 
only, Tanacharison being of the number. 

The distance to the station of the French comman- 
dant was one hundred and twenty miles. The journey 
was performed Avithout any important incident, except 
at Venango, one of the French outposts, where various 
stratacj-ems were used to detain the Indians. He was 
civilly treated, however, by Captain Joncaire, the 
principal officer, who told him where the head-quarters 
were established. Rain and snow fell continually, and, 
after incredible toils from exposure and the badness of 
the travelling through an illimitable forest, intersected 
with deep streams and morasses, he was rejoiced to 
find himself at the end of his journey, forty-one days 
from the time he left Williamsburg. 

M. de St. Pierre, the commandant, was an elderly 
person, a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and 
courteous in his manners. At the first interview he 
promised immediate attention to the letter from Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle, and everything was provided for the 
convenience and comfort of Major Washington and his 
party while they remained at the fort. At the next 
meeting the commission and letter were produced, 
read, translated, and deliberately explained. The 
commandant counselled with his officers, and in two 
days an answer was returned. 

The governor's letter asserted, that the lands on 
the Ohio belonged to the crown of Great Britain, 
expressed his surprise at the encroachments of the 
French, demanded by whose authority an armed force 
had crossed the Lakes, and urged a speedy and peace- 



24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753. 

ful departure. M. de St. Pierre replied in the style of 
a soldier, saying it did not belong to him to discuss 
treaties, that such a message should have been sent to 
the Marquis Duquesne, Governor of Canada, by whose 
instructions he acted, and whose orders he should be 
careful to obey, and that the summons to retire could 
not be complied with. The tone was respectful, but 
uncomplying and determined. 

While the French officers were holding consultations, 
and getting the despatch ready, Major Washington 
took an opportunity to look around and examine the 
fort. His attendants were instructed to do the same. 
He was thus enabled to bring away an accurate de- 
scription of its form, size, construction, cannon, and 
barracks. His men counted the canoes in the river, 
and such as were partly finished. The fort was situ- 
ate on a branch of French Creek, about fifteen miles 
south of Lake Erie. A plan of it, drawn by Major 
Washington, was sent to the British government. 

The snow was falling so fast, that he ordered back 
his horses to Yenango, resolved to go down himself by 
water, a canoe having been offered to him for that 
purpose. He had been entertained with great polite- 
ness ; nor did the complaisance of M. de St. Pierre ex- 
haust itself in mere forms of civility. The canoe, by 
his order, was plentifully stocked with provisions, 
liquors, and every other supply that could he wanted. 

But the same artifices were practised and expedients 
tried, as at Yenango, to lure away the Indians, and 
keep them behind. Many temptations were held out, 
presents given, and others promised. The Half-King 
was a man of consequence, whose friendship was not 
to be lost, if it could possibly be retained. He per- 
sisted in his reserve, however, and now offered a 
second time to the French commandant the speech- 
belt, or wampum, as indicating that the alliance 



^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 

between them was broken off. The latter refused to 
accept it, and soothed the savage with soft words and 
fair professions, saying it was his wish to live in amity 
and peace with the Indians, and to trade with them, 
and that he w^ould immediately send goods to their 
towns. These attempts to inveigle the Half-King and 
his companions were discovered by Major Washington, 
who complained of the delay, and insinuated the cause. 
M. de St. Pierre was urbane, as usual, seemed ignorant 
of all that passed, could not tell why the Indians 
stayed, and declared nothing should be wanting on his 
part to fulfil Major Washington's desires. Finally, 
after much perplexity and trouble, the whole party 
embarked in a canoe. 

The passage down was slow, fatiguing, and perilous. 
Rocks, shallows, drifting trees, and currents kept them 
in constant alarm. " Many times," says Major Wash- 
ington in his Journal, " all hands were obliged to get 
out, and remain in the water half an hour or more in 
getting over the shoals. At one place the ice had 
lodged, and made it impassable by water ; and we 
were obliged to carry our canoe across a neck of land 
a quarter of a mile over." In six days they landed at 
Venango, a distance of one hundred and thirty miles 
by the winding of the stream. 

The horses were found here, but in so emaciated and 
pitiable a condition, that it was doubtful whether they 
could perform the journey. The baggage and provi- 
sions were all to be transported on their backs. To 
lighten their burden, as much as possible. Major Wash- 
ington, clad in an Indian walking-dress, determined to 
proceed on foot, with Mr. Gist and Mr. Yanbraam, 
putting the horses under the direction of the drivers. 
After three days' travel, the horses becoming more 
feebls, and the cold and snow hourly increasing, this 
mode of journeying proved so tardy and discouraging, 



26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

that another was resorted to. Mr. Yanbraam took 
charge of the horses, with orders to go on as fast as 
he could. Major Washington, with a knapsack on his 
back, containing his papers and food, and with a gun 
in his hand, left the party, accompanied only by Mr. 
Gist, equipped in the same manner. They turned out 
of the path, and directed their course through the 
woods so as to strike the Alleghany River, and cross it 
near Shannopins Town, two or three miles above the 
Fork of the Ohio. The next day an adventure oc- 
curred, which is well narrated by Mr. Gist in a diary 
written by him at the time. 

" We rose early in the morning, and set out about two 
o'clock, and got to the Murdering Town on the south- 
east fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met with an 
Indian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at 
Yenango, when on our journey up to the French fort. 
This fellow called me by my Indian name, and pre- 
tended to be glad to see me. He asked us several 
questions, as, how we came to travel on foot, when we 
left Yenango, where we parted with our horses, and 
when they would be there. Major Washington in- 
sisted on travelling by the nearest wa}^ to the Forks of 
the Alleghany. We asked the Indian if he could go 
with us, and show us the nearest way. The Indian 
seemed very glad, and ready to go with us; upon 
which we set out, and the Indian took the Major's 
pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, 
when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very 
weary, and the Indian steered too much northeast- 
wardly. The Major desired to encamp ; upon which 
the Indian asked to carry his gun, but he refused ; and 
then the Indian grew churlish, and pressed us to keep 
on, telling us there Avere Ottawa Indians in those 
woods, and they would scalp us, if we lay out ; but go 
to his cabin, and we should be safe. 



^T. 31.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 

« I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care 
to let the Major know I mistrusted him But he soon 
mistrusted him as much as I did. The Indian said he 
could hear a gun from his cabin, and steered us more 
northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two 
whoops might be heard from his cabin. We went two 
miles further. Then the Major said he would stay at 
the next water, and we desired the Indian to stop at 
the next water ; but, before we came to the water, we 
came to a clear meadow. It was very light, and snow 
was on the ground. The Indian made a stop, and 
turned about. The Major saw him point his gun 
towards us, and he fired. Said the Major, Are you 
shot ^ ' ' No,' said I ; upon which the Indian ran tor- 
ward to a big standing white oak, and began loadmg 
his o-un, but we were soon with him. I would ha^e 
killed him, but the Major would not suffer me. We 
let him charge his gun. We found he put in a ball ; 
then we took care of him. Either the Major or I al- 
ways stood by the guns. AYe made him make a fire 
for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. 
I said to the Major, ' As you will not have him ki led, 
we must get him awav, and then we must travel all 
ni^hf upon which I said to the Indian, 'I suppose 
yo"u were lost, and fired your gun.' He said he knew 
the way to his cabin, and it was but a httle way. 
'Well,' said I, ' do you go home ; and, as we are tired, 
we will follow your track in the morning, and here is 
a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat m 
the morning.' He was glad to get away. I followed 
him, and listened, until he was fairly out of the way ; 
and then we went about half a mile, when we made a 
fire, set our compass, fixed our course, and travelled 
all night. In the morning we were on the head ot 

Piny Creek." . , t j- + i.,-n 

Whether it was the intention of the Indian to kiU 



98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1733. 

either of them can only be conjectured. The circum- 
stances were extremely suspicious. Major Washing- 
ton hints at this incident in his Journal. " We fell in 
with a party of French Indians," says he, " who had 
lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or 
me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We 
took the fellow in custody, and kept him till nine 
o'clock at night ; then let him go, and walked all the 
remaining part of the night without making any stop, 
that we might get the start so far as to be out of the 
reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well 
assured they would follow our track as soon as it was 
light." No more was seen or heard of them. The 
next night, at dusk, the travellers came to the Alle- 
ghany River, a little above Shannopins, where they ex- 
pected to cross over on the ice ; but in this they were 
disappointed, the river being frozen only a few yards 
on each side, and a great body of broken ice driving 
rapidly down the current. 

Wear}^ and exhausted they were compelled to pass 
the night on the bank of the river, exposed to the 
rigor of the weather, making their beds on the snow, 
with no other covering than their blankets. When 
the morning came, their invention was the only re- 
source for providing the means of gaining the oppo- 
site shore. 

*' There was no way of getting over," says Major 
Washington, " but on a raft ; which we set about 
with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun- 
setting. This was a whole day's work. We next got 
it launched, and went on board of it; then set off. 
But before we were half way over, we were jammed 
in the ice in such a manner, that we expected every 
moment our raft would sink, and ourselves perish. 
I put out my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that 
the icd might pass by ; when the rapidity of the 



Ml. Sl.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 

stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, 
that it jerked me out into ten feet water. But I fortu- 
nately saved myself by catching hold of one of the 
raft logs. oSTotwithstanding all our efforts we could 
not get the raft to either shore, but were obliged, as 
we were near an island, to quit our raft, and make 
to it." 

This providential escape from most imminent danger, 
was not the end of their calamities. They were 
thrown upon a desert island ; the weather was in- 
tensely cold ; Mr. Gist's hands and feet were frozen ; 
and their sufferings through the night were extreme. 
A gleam of hope appeared with the dawn of morning. 
Between the island and the eastern bank of the river, 
the ice had congealed so hard as to bear their weight. 
The\^ crossed over without accident, and the same day 
reached a trading post recently established by Mr. Fra- 
zier, near the spot where eighteen months afterwards 
was fought the memorable battle of the Monongahela. 

Here the}^ rested two or three days, both to recruit 
themselves, and to procure horses. Meantime Major 
Washington paid a complimentary visit to Queen Ali- 
quippa, an Indian princess w^ho resided at the conflu- 
ence of the Monongahela and Youghiogany Rivers. 
She had expressed dissatisfaction, that he had neg- 
lected this mark of respect on his way out. An 
apology, seconded by the more substantial token of a 
present, soothed her wounded dignity and secured a 
gracious reception. 

Nothing was heard of Yanbraam and his party. 
Anxious to hasten back, and report to the governor 
the result of his mission, Major Washington did not 
wait for them. With Mr. Gist he recrossed the Alle- 
ghanies to Will's Creek, and thence proceeded with 
despatch to Williamsburg, where he arrived on th« 
16th of January, having been absent eleven weeks. 



30 LllJ'E OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 



CHAPTER ly. 

Troops raised for a western Expedition, and put under the Command of 
Major Washington.— Governor Din widdie.— Military Preparations.— Wash- 
ington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel.— Marches to the Alleghany Mountains. 
— Joined by Parties of Indians.— Skirmish with a French Detachment under 
Jumonville.— The chief Command devolves on Colonel Washington.— His 
generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Service. 

The intentions and movements of the French being 
now understood, Governor Din widdie thought the oc- 
casion demanded prompt and energetic action. He 
called his Council together, and laid before them Major 
Washington's journal, and the letter of the French 
commandant. It was agreed that the instructions 
heretofore received from the ministry imposed it as a 
duty, in case of an invasion of the King's dominions, 
to repel it by a resort to arms. 

Without waiting for the burgesses to convene, the 
Council advised the immediate enhstment of two hun- 
dred men, with directions to march to the Ohio and 
build one or two forts there, before the French should 
be able to descend the river in the spring, as they had 
threatened to do. An order was issued for raising two 
companies, of one hundred men each, in the northern 
counties by voluntary enlistments, or, if that method 
should prove impracticable, by drafts from the militia. 
The conduct of Major Washington had hitherto been 
marked with so much prudence, resolution, and capac- 
ity, that he was appointed to the chief command of 
these troops, apparently by the unanimous voice of 
the Council. 

To make an impression on the minds of the people, 
and if possible to work them up to some degree of 



^Et. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 

enthusiasm, and excite their indignation against the 
invaders, Governor Dinwiddie caused Major Washing- 
ton's journal to be published. It was copied into 
nearly all the newspapers of the other colonies. In 
London it was reprinted, under the auspices of the gov- 
ernment, and accounted a document of much impor- 
tance, as unfolding the views of the French, and an- 
nouncing the first positive proof of their hostile acts in 
the disputed territory. 

Nothing more was expected from the small military 
preparations set on foot by the governor and Council, 
than to take a position on the Ohio before the French 
should come down the river, and unite with the parties 
from ISTew Orleans. The command of one of the two 
companies was given to Captain Trent, who, being ac- 
quainted with the frontiers, was sent forward to enlist 
his men among the traders and back settlers, and or- 
dered to commence with all speed the building of a fort 
at the Fork of the Ohio, in conformity with the recom- 
mendation of Major Washington, who had examined 
that place, as we have seen, with a view to its military 
advantages. 

At the same time, Major Washington was stationed 
at Alexandria, as a convenient situation for the rendez- 
vous of his men, and for superintending the transpor- 
tation of supplies and the cannon intended to be 
mounted in the fort. Lord Fairfax, holding the office 
of county-lieutenant, which gave him authority over 
the militia in his neighborhood, was active in procur- 
ing enlistments and rendering other services to his 
young friend. The governor's instructions to the offi- 
cers bore a warlike aspect. They were to drive away, 
kill, and destroy, or seize as prisoners, all persons, not 
the subjects of the King of Great Britain, who should 
attempt to settle or take possession of the lands on the 
Ohio River or anv of its tributaries. 



32 ^IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

When the Assembly met, a difference of opinion 
prevailed, as to the measures that ought to be pursued ; 
but ten thousand pounds were iinally voted for the de- 
fense of the colony, cloaked under the title of " an act 
for the encouragement and protection of the settlers 
on the Mississippi." The governor's equanimit}^ was 
severely tried. The King's prerogative and his own 
dignity he thought were not treated with due respect. 
So obtuse were some of the burgesses, that they could 
not perceive the justice of the King's claim to the 
lands in question, and they had the boldness to let 
their doubts be known in a full Assembly. " You 
may well conceive," said the governor in writing to a 
friend, "how I tired at this; that an English legislature 
should presume to doubt the right of his Majest}^ to 
the interior parts of this continent, the back of his 
dominions." And, alluding to one of the members, he 
added, " How this French spirit could possess a person 
of his high distinction and sense, I know not." An- 
other point was still more annoying to him. The 
Assembly appointed commissioners to superintend the 
appropriation of the funds. This act he took as a 
slight to himself, since by virtue of his office the dis- 
posal of money for public uses ought to rest exclusively 
with the governor. Such was his view of the matter, 
and he declared that nothing but the extreme urgency 
of the case should have induced him to sign the bill. 

To the Earl of Iloldernesse he complained of the 
wayward temper and strange doings of the Assembly. 
" I am sorry to find them," said he, " very much in a 
republican way of thinking; and, indeed, they do not 
act in a proper constitutional way, but make encroach- 
ments on the prerogative of the crown, in which some 
former governors have submitted too much to them ; 
and, I fear, without a very particular instruction, it 
will be difficult to bring them to order." [N'otwith- 



^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S 

standing thei« grievances, the goyernor's zeal for the 
public good rose above his personal feelings, and h© 
applied himself ardently to the work he had under- 
taken. 

With the means now provided by the legislature, 
the military establishment was increased to six com- 
panies, under the command of Colonel Joshua Fry. 
He was an Englishman by birth, educated at Oxford, 
skilled in the mathematical sciences, and much esteemed 
for his amiable qualities and gentlemanly character. 
Major Washington was made second in command, 
with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Subordinate offi- 
cers were commissioned, and, to quicken the military 
zeal of the people, and give alacrit^^ to the recruiting 
service. Governor Dinwiddle issued a proclamation 
granting two hundred thousand acres of land on the 
Ohio Kiver, to be divided among the troops, who 
should engage in the proposed expedition, and releas- 
ing the same from quitrents for fifteen years. One 
thousand acres were ordered to be laid off, contiguous 
to the fort at the Fork of the Ohio, for the use of the 
soldiers doing duty there, to be called the garrison 
lands. 

The reasons assigned by the governor to the minis- 
ters for making this grant were, that he hoped the sol- 
diers would become permanent settlers, and that it was 
better to secure the lands by such a bounty, than to 
allow the French to take quiet possession of as many 
millions of acres as he had granted thousands. His 
proclamation was sanctioned by the King, but it was 
not well received in another quarter. The Assembly 
of Pennsylvania took alarm at the freedom, with which 
lands, situate as they said in that province, were given 
away. Governor Hamilton wrote an expostulatory 
letter. It was a perplexing case ; but Governor Din- 
widdle escaped from the difficulty by replying, that 



34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

the claims of Pennsylvania were at least doubtful, the 
boundary line not having been run, that the object in 
view equally concerned both provinces, that his grant 
did not necessarily imply future jurisdiction, and that, 
if the Pennsylvania claim should be established, the 
quitrents might eventually be paid to the proprietary 
instead of the crown. 

Fresh encouragement was inspired by a letter from 
the Earl of Holdernesse, authorizing Governor Din- 
widdie to call to his aid two independent companies 
from New York, and one from South Carolina. These 
were colonial troops, raised and supported at the 
King's charge, and commanded by officers with royal 
commissions. They could be marched to any part of 
the continent. None of these companies had ever been 
stationed in Yirginia. Expresses were immediately 
despatched to the governors of the above colonies, re- 
questing them to order forward the companies without 
delay. News came from North Carolina, also, that 
the Assembly had voted twelve thousand pounds for 
defense, and that a respectable force would soon be in 
the field to join their neighbors in the common cause. 

Although feebly sustained by the other colonies, the 
Virginians did not abate their exertions. The enlist- 
ments went on with considerable success. Colonel 
Washington continued his headquarters at Alexandria 
till the beginning of April. Two companies had been 
collected at that place, with which he marched to 
Will's Creek, where he arrived on the 20th, having 
been joined on the way by another company under 
Captain Stephen. The inarch was slow and fatiguing, 
on account of the roughness of the roads, and the 
difficulty of procuring wagons to convey the baggage. 
It was necessary to put the militia law in execution, 
which authorized impressments ; but measures of this 
sort are always disliked by the people, and orders are 



Mt. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 

tardily obeyed or evaded. The artillery and some of 
the heavier articles went by water up the Potomac. 

A party of Captain Trent's men had already gone 
to the Ohio, and begun to build a fort. Just before 
Colonel Washington reached WilFs Creek, a rumor 
came from the interior, that these men were taken by 
the French ; and two days afterwards the alarming 
intelligence was confirmed by the ensign of Captain 
Trent's company. He reported, that, while they were 
at work, forty -one in number, a body of French troops 
descended the river from Yenango, consisting of one 
thousand men, with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty 
bateaux, and three hundred canoes, under the com- 
mand of Captain Contrecoeur, and summoned them to 
surrender, threatening to take forcible possession of 
the fort, if this summons were not immediately obeyed. 
No alternative remained, and, the captain and lieu- 
tenant beins: absent, Ensis'n V/ard acceded to articles 
of capitulation, and gave up the fort, but was permitted 
to retire with his men. He came to Will's Creek, and 
brought the news of the disaster, His statement, 
however, as to the numbers of the French, their can- 
non and boats, turned out to be very much exag- 
gerated. This was the first open act of hostility in 
the memorable war of seven years that followed. The 
French enlarged and completed the fort, which they 
called Fort Duquesne, in compliment to the governor 
of Canada. 

To the little army under Colonel Washington, as 
yet amounting to no more than three small companies, 
this was a critical moment. They occupied an out- 
post, beyond which there was no barrier to oppose the 
formidable French force on the Ohio. Even a de- 
tachment, well armed and disciplined, might surround 
and cut them off. Colonel Fry had not joined them, 
and the whole responsibility rested on the Lieutenant- 



36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

Colonel. He instantly sent expresses to the governors 
of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, setting forth 
his weak and exposed condition, and calling for rein- 
forcements, lie then held a council of war. Notwith^ 
standing the dangers that threatened on every side, it 
was resolved to push boldly into the Avilderness, to 
clear and prepare the road as they advanced, and, if 
possible, to penetrate to the Monongahela at the mouth 
of Red -stone Creek, and erect there a fortification. 
The soldiers would thus be employed, their apprehen- 
sions quieted, the bane of idleness avoided, and a way 
opened for the more expeditious march of the troops 
in the rear. 

So many obstacles intervened, that the progress 
was slow. Trees were to be felled, bridges made, 
marshes filled up, and rocks removed. In the midst 
of these difficulties the provisions failed, the com- 
missaries having neglected to fulfil their engage- 
ments, and there was great distress for want of bread. 
At the Youghiogany, where they were detained in 
constructing a brido^e, Colonel AYashington was told 
by the traders and Indians, that except at one place a 
passage might be had by water down that river. To 
ascertain this point, extremely advantageous if true, 
he embarked in a canoe with five men on a tour of 
discovery, leaving the army under the command of a 
subordinate officer. His hopes were disappointed. 
After navigating the river in his canoe near thirty 
miles, encountering rocks and shoals, he passed between 
two mountains, and came to a fall that arrested his 
course, and rendered any further attempt impracti- 
cable. He returned, and the project of a conveyance 
by water was given up. 

He had scarcely rejoined the army, when a message 
was brought to him from his old friend Tanacharison, 
or the Half-King, then with his people near the Mo* 



Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 

nongahela Kiver, which warned him to be on his guard, 
as a party of French had been out two days, and were 
then marching towards him determined to attack the 
first English they should meet. His account was con- 
firmed by another, which stated the French to be only 
fifteen miles distant. 

ISIot knowing their number, or at what moment they 
might approach, he hastened to a place called the 
Great Meadows, cleared away the bushes, threw up an 
entrenchment, and prepared, as he expressed it, " a 
charming field for an encounter." He then mounted 
some of the soldiers on wagon-horses, and sent them 
out to reconnoiter. They came back without having 
seen any traces of the enemy ; but the camp was 
alarmed in the night, the sentries fired, and all hands 
were kept under arms till morning. Mr. Gist came to 
the camp, also, and reported that a French detachment, 
consisting of fifty men had been at his settlement the 
day before, and that he had observed their tracks 
within five miles of the Great Meadows. 

The approach of the French, Avith hostile designs, 
w^as now deemed certain ; and the best preparation was 
made to receive them, which circumstances would per- 
mit. In the meantime, about nine o'clock at night, 
another express came from the Half-King, who was 
then with a party of his warriors about six miles from 
the camp, stating that he had seen the tracks of two 
Frenchmen, and that the whole detachment was near 
that place. Colonel Washington immediately put him- 
self at the head of forty men, leaving the rest to guard 
the camp, and set off to join the Half-King. The night 
was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the paths through 
the woods were narrow and intricate, and the soldiers 
often lost their way, groping in the bushes, and clam- 
bering over rocks and fallen trees. 

The whole night was passed in the march, and they 



38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

got to the Indian encampment just before sunrise. A 
council was held with Tanacharison and his chief war- 
riors, and it Avas agreed that they should march in con- 
cert against the French. Two Indians went out to as- 
certain the position of the enemy, which was discov- 
ered to be in an obscure retreat, surrounded by rocks, 
half a mile from the road. The plan of attack was 
then formed. Colonel Washington and his men Avere 
to advance on the right, and the Indians on the left. 
The march w^as pursued in single file, according to the 
Indian manner, till they came so near as to be discov- 
ered by the French, who instantly seized their arms 
and put themselves in an attitude of defense. 

At this moment the firing commenced on both sides. 
A smart skirmish ensued, Avhich was kept up for a 
quarter of an hour, when the French ceased to resist. 
M. de Juraonville, the commander of the French party, 
and ten of his men were killed. Twenty-two were 
taken prisoners, one of Avhom was wounded. A Cana- 
dian made his escape during the action. One of Colo- 
nel Washington's men Avas killed, and tAVO or three 
Avere wounded. No harm happened to the Indians, as 
the enemy's fire A\^as directed chiefly against the Eng- 
lish. This event occurred on the 28th of May. The 
prisoners were conducted to the Great Meadows, and 
thence under a guard to Governor DinAviddie. 

Ko transaction in the life of Washington has been 
so much misrepresented, or so little understood as this 
skirmish with Jumonville. It being the first conflict 
of arms in the Avar, a notoriety Avas given to it, par- 
ticularly in Europe, altogether disproportion ed to its 
importance. War had not yet been declared be- 
tvreen Great Britain and France, and indeed the dip- 
lomats on both sides were making great professions of 
friendship. It was the policy of each nation to exag- 
gerate the proceedings of the other on their colonial 



^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 

frontiers, and to make them a handle for recrimina- 
tion and complaints, by throwing upon the adverse 
party the blame of committing the first acts of aggres- 
sion. Hence, when the intelligence of the skirmish 
with Jumonville got to Paris, it was officially published 
by the government in connection with a memoir and 
various papers, and his death was called a murder. It 
was said, that, while bearing a summons as a civil 
messenger without any hostile intentions, he was way- 
laid and assassinated. The report was industriously 
circulated, and gained credence with the multitude. 
M. Thomas, a poet and scholar of repute, seized the 
occasion to write an epic, entitled " Jumonmlle^'^ in 
which he tasked his invention to draw a tragical picture 
of the fate of his hero. The fabric of the story and 
the incidents were alike fictitious. But the tale passed 
from fiction to history, and to this day it is repeated 
by the French historians, who in other respects render 
justice to the character of Washington, and who can 
find no other apology for this act, than his youth and 
inexperience, and the ferocity of his men. 

The mistakes of the French writers were not un- 
known to Washington ; but, conscious of having acted 
in strict conformity with his orders and military usage, 
he took no pains to correct them, except in a single 
letter to a friend, written several years afterwards, 
which related mostly to the errors in the French ac- 
count of the subsequent action of the Great Meadows. 
Unfortunately all his correspondence and the other 
papers which he wrote during this campaign were lost 
the next year at the battle of the Monongahela ; and 
he was thus deprived of the only authentic materials, 
that could be used for explanation and defense. The 
most important of these papers have recently been 
found, and they afford not only a complete vindication 
of the conduct of Colonel Washington in this affair, but 



40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

show that it met with the unqualified approbation of 
the governor and legislature of Virginia, and of the 
British ministry. 

It is true that Jumonville was the bearer of a sum- 
mons ; but this was unknown to Colonel Washington, 
nor did the mode in which the former approached the 
English camp indicate that he came on an errand of 
peace. He was at the head of an armed force, he sent 
out spies in advance, concealed himself and his party 
two days in an obscure place near the camp, and des- 
patched messengers with intelligence to his commander 
at the fort. These were strong evidences of a hostile 
intention ; and, had Colonel Washington not regarded 
them in that light, he would have been justly censur- 
able for ignorance or neglect of duty. 

The summons itself was by no means conciliatory, 
and, if Colonel Washington, had actually known, that 
the French officer had such a paper in his pocket, he 
could not properly do otherwise than he did, under the 
circumstances in which M. de Jumonville chose to 
place himself. It warned the English to retire below 
the Alleghanies, and threatened compulsory measures if 
it should not be obeyed. The presumption was, that 
the summons was only a feint, in case the party should 
be captured, and that Jumonville was to remain con- 
cealed, and wait for reinforcements, after he had recon- 
noitered the English camp, and ascertained its strength. 
If such were not the object, the consequences are justly 
chargeable on the indiscretion of M. de Jumonville 
in the extraordinary mode of conducting his enterprise. 

The labors and dangers of the field were not the 
only troubles, with which Colonel Washington at this 
time had to contend. By an ill-timed parsimony, the 
pay of the oflBcers was reduced so low as to create 
murmurs and discontent throughout the camp. Com- 
plaints grew loud and vehement, acompanied with 



JET. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4| 

threats to resign and leave the army to its fate. Un- 
der this pressure the character of Washington shone 
with the same purity and luster, that often distin- 
guished it afterwards on similar trying occasions. In 
his letters to the governor he assumed a firm and 
manly tone, demanded for himself and his associates an 
allowance equal to that received by the King's troops, 
and deprecated the idea of being placed upon a foot- 
ing, which should imply an inferiority in rank, or in 
the value of their services. 

While he took this high stand in defending the just 
claims of the officers, he endeavored to calm their feel- 
ings, and reconcile them to their condition, by appeals 
to their honor and the obligations of duty. *'I have 
communicated your sentiments to the other officers," 
said he to the governor, " and, as far as I could put on 
the hypocrite, set forth the advantages that may ac- 
crue, and advised them to accept the terms, as a re- 
fusal might reflect dishonor upon their character, leav- 
ing it to the world to assign what reason it pleases for 
their quitting the service." And again : " I consid- 
ered the pernicious consequences that would attend a 
disunion, and was therefore too much attached to my 
country's interests to suffer it to ripen." In this way 
he concealed his uneasiness, and tranquilized the 
minds of his officers, although he felt the wrongs they 
suffered, and approved the spirit that would not tamely 
submit to them. 

As to himself, it was not so much the smallness of 
the pay, that gave him concern, as the indignity and 
injustice of having his services estimated at a lower 
rate, than in the British establishment, when in reality 
no service could be more severe and hazardous, or prom- 
ise less of glory, than the one in which he was engaged. 
" Now if we could be fortunate enough," said he, " to 
drive the French from the Ohio, as far as your Honor 



42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1754. 

would please to have them sent, in any short time, our 
pay will not be sufficient to discharge our first ex- 
penses. I would not have you imagine from this, that 
I have said all these things to have our pay increased, 
but to justify myself, and to show you that our com- 
plaints are not frivolous but founded on strict reason. 
For my own part, it is a matter almost indiiferent, 
whether I serve for full pay, or as a generous volunteer. 
Indeed, did my circumstances correspond with m}'- in- 
clinations, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer 
the latter ; for the motives that have led me here are 
pure and noble. I had no view of acquisition, but that 
of honor by serving ray King and country." In this 
declaration, uttered in the sincerity of his heart, we 
perceive the principles, the eminent virtues, that dic- 
tated every act of his public life. 

Colonel Fry having died suddenly at Will's Creek, 
while on his way to join the army, the chief command 
devolved on Colonel AYashington. Recruits were 
brought forward by Major Muse. The ISTorth Carolina 
troops, to the number of about three hundred and 
fifty, led by Colonel Innes, arrived at Winchester. 
The governor was then in that town, holding a council 
with Indians, and he appointed Innes commander of 
the expedition, but confirmed Colonel Washington's 
command of the Virginia regiment. 

The appointment of Innes was an unpopular measure 
in Virginia, as he was from another colony ; and the 
governor was accused of partiality for an old friend 
and countryman, both he and Innes being Scotchmen 
by birth. Ko ill consequences ensued. Neither 
Colonel Innes nor his troops advanced beyond Win- 
chester. To promote enlistments the men were ex- 
travagantly paid ; and, when the money raised by the 
Assembly of Korth Carolina for their support was ex- 
pended, they dispersed of their own accord. An In- 



^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 

dependent Company from South Carolina, consisting 
of one hundred men under Captain Mackay, arrived 
at the Great Meadows. Two companies from ^ew 
York landed at Alexandria, and marched to the inte- 
rior, but not in time to overtake or succor the army in 
advance. 



44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 



CHAPTER Y. 

Fort Necessity.— Indians.— Movements of the Army.- Battle of the Great 
Jleadows.- Vote of Thanks by the House of Burgesses.— Washington disap- 
proves the Governor's Measures and resigns his Commission. 

It was foreseen bj Colonel Washington, that, when 
the French at Fort Duquesne should get the news of 
Juraonville's defeat, a strong detachment would be 
sent out against him. As a preparation for this event, 
he set all his men at w^ork to enlarge the intrenchment 
at the Great Meadows, and erect palisades. To the 
structure thus hastily thrown up he gave the name of 
Fort Necessity. 

The Indians, who leaned to the English interest, fled 
before the French and flocked to the camp, bringing 
along their wives and children, and putting them under 
his protection. Among them came Tanacharison and 
his people, Queen Aliquippa and her son, and other 
persons of distinction, till between forty and flfty 
families gathered around him, and laid his magazine 
of supplies under a heavy contribution. 

The forces at the Great Meadows, including Captain 
Mackay's company, had now increased to about four 
hundred men. But a new difficulty arose, which 
threatened disagreeable consequences. Captain Mac- 
kay had a royal commission, which in his opinion put 
him above the authority of Colonel Washington, who 
w^as a colonial officer, commissioned by the Governor 
of Virginia. He v/as a man of mild and gentlemanly 
manners, and no personal differences interrupted the 
harmony between them; but still he declined receiving 
the orders of the colonel, and his company occupied a 



^T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 

separate encampTnent. At this crisis, when an attack 
was daily expected, and w^hen a perfect union of design 
and action was essential, such a state of things was so 
unpropitious, that Colonel Washington wrote earnestly 
to the governor to settle the controversy by a positive 
order under his own hand. The governor hesitated, 
because he was not sure, that Captain Mackay's pre- 
tensions were inconsistent with the rule adopted by the 
ministry, namely, that all officers with King's commis- 
sions should take rank of those commissioned in the 
colonies. 

To avoid altercation, and prevent the contagious 
example of disobedience from infecting the troops, 
Colonel Washington resolved to advance with a large 
part of his army, and, if not obstructed by the enemy, 
to go on by the shortest route to the Monongahela 
Eiver. Captain Mackay's company was left at Fort 
Necessity, as a guard to that post. The road was to 
be cleared and leveled for artillery carriages ; and the 
process was so laborious, that it took two weeks to 
effect a passage through the gorge of the mountains 
to Gist's settlement, a distance of only thirteen miles. 
The Indians were troublesome w4th their speeches, 
councils, and importunities for presents, particularly a 
party from the interior, who feigned friendship, but 
who were discovered to be spies from the French. 
Due vigilance was practised, and scouts were kept 
abroad, even as far as the neighborhood of Fort Du- 
quesne, so that the first motions of the enemy might 
be detected. 

It was at length told by French deserters and In- 
dians, that Fort Duquesne was reinforced by troops 
from Canada, and that a strong detachment would 
shortly march against the English. A council of war 
being called, it was at first thought best to make a 
stand, and wait the approach of the enemy at Gist's 



46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754, 

plantation. An intrenchment for defense was begun, 
Captain Mackay was requested to come forward with 
his company, and the scouting parties were ordered to 
return to the camp. Captain Mackay promptly joined 
the advanced division ; and another council decided, 
that the enemy's force was so large, as to leave no 
reasonable hope of a successful resistance, and that a 
retreat was necessary. 

In the face of many obstacles this determination was 
executed. The horses were few and weak, and a severe 
service was imposed on the men, Avho were obliged to 
bear heavy burdens, and drag nine swivels over a 
broken road. Colonel Washington set a worthy ex- 
ample to his officers, by lading his horse with public 
stores, going on foot, and paying the soldiers a reward 
for carrying his baggage. In two days they all got 
back to the Great Meadows. It was not the intention 
at first to halt at this place, but the men had become 
so much fatigued from great labor, and a deficiency of 
provisions, that they could draw the swivels no further, 
nor carry the baggage on their backs. They had been 
eio^ht davs without bread, and at the Great Meadows 
they found only a few bags of flour. It was thought 
advisable to wait here, therefore, and fortify themselves 
in the best manner they could, till they should receive 
supplies and reinforcements. They had heard of the 
arrival at Alexandria, of two Independent Companies 
from New York twenty days before, and it was pre- 
sumed they must by this time have reached Will's 
Creek. An express was sent to hasten them on, with 
as much despatch as possible. 

Meantime Colonel Washington set his men to felling 
trees, and carrying logs to the fort, with a view to 
raise a breastwork, and enlarge and strengthen the 
fortification in the best manner, that circumstances 
would permit. The space of ground, called the Great 



^T. 22.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 

MeadoNYs, is a level bottom, through which passes a 
small creek, and is surrounded by hills of a moderate 
and gradual ascent. This bottom, or glade, is entirely 
level, covered with long grass and small bushes, and 
varies in width. At the point v/here the fort stood, it 
is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the 
base of one hill to that of the opposite. The position 
of the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred 
yards from the upland, or wooded ground, on the one 
side, and one hundred and fifty on the other, and so 
situated on the margin of the creek, as to afford an 
easy access to water. At one point the high ground 
comes within sixty yards of the fort, and this was the 
nearest distance to which an enemy could approach 
under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fort 
were still visible, when the spot was visited by the 
writer in 1830, occupying an irregular square, the di- 
mensions of which were about one hundred feet on each 
side. One of the angles was prolonged further than 
the others, for the purpose of reaching the water in 
the creek. On the west side, next to the nearest wood, 
were three entrances, protected by short breastworks, 
or bastions. The remains of a ditch, stretching round 
the south and west sides, were also distinctly seen. 
The site of this fort, named Fort Necessity from the 
circumstances attending its original use, is three or 
four hundred yards south of what is now called the 
National Koad, four miles from the foot of Laurel Hill, 
and fifty miles from Cumberland at Will's Creek. 

On the 3d of July, early in the morning, an alarm 
was received from a sentinel, who had been wounded 
by the enemy ; and at nine o'clock intelligence came, 
that the whole body of the enemy, amounting, as was 
reported, to nine hundred men, was only four miles off. 
At eleven o'clock they approached the fort, and began 
to fire, at the distance of six hundred yards, but with^ 



48 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

out effect. Colonel Washington had drawn up his men 
on the open and level ground outside of the trenches, 
waiting for the attack, which he presumed would be 
made as soon as the enemy's forces emerged from the 
woods ; and he ordered his men to reserve their fire, 
till they should be near enough to do execution. The 
distant firing was supposed to be a stratagem to draw 
Washington's men into the woods, and thus to take 
them at a disadvantage. He suspected the design, and 
maintained his post till he found the French did not 
incline to leave the woods, and attack the fort by an 
assault, as he supposed they would, considering their 
superiority of numbers. He then drew his men back 
within the trenches, and gave them orders to fire 
according to their discretion, as suitable opportunities 
might present themselves. The French and Indians 
remained on the side of the rising ground, which was 
nearest to the fort, and, sheltered by the trees, kept 
up a brisk fire of musketry, but never appeared in the 
open plain below. The rain fell heavily through the 
day, the trenches were filled with water, and many of 
the arms of Colonel Washington's men were out of 
order, and used with difficulty. 

In this way the battle continued from eleven o'clock 
in the morning till eight at night, when the French 
called and requested a parley. Suspecting this to be 
a feint to procure the admission of an ofiicer into the 
fort, that he might discover their condition. Colonel 
Washington at first declined listening to the proposal ; 
but when the call was repeated, with the additional 
request that an officer might be sent to them, engag- 
ing at the same time their parole for his safety, he sent 
out Captain Yanbraam, the only person under his com- 
mand, that could speak French, except the Chevalier 
de Peyrouny, an ensign in the Virginia regiment, who 
was dangerously wounded, and disabled from render- 



JET, 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4/^ 

ing any service on this occasion. Yanbraara returned, 
and brought with him from M. de Yilliers, the French 
commander, proposed articles of capitulation. These 
he read and pretended to interpret, and, some changes 
having been made by mutual agreement, both parties 
signed them about midnight. 

By the terms of the capitulation, the whole garrison 
was to retire, and return without molestation to the 
inhabited parts of the country ; and the French com- 
mander promised, that no embarrassment should be 
interposed, either by his own men or the savages. The 
English were to take away everything in their pos- 
session, except their artillery, and to march out of the 
fort the next morning with the honors of war, their 
drums beating and colors flying. As the French had 
killed all the horses and cattle. Colonel Washington had 
no means of transporting his heavy baggage and stores ; 
and it Avas conceded to him, that his men might con- 
ceal their effects, and that a guard might be left to 
protect them, till horses could be sent up to take them 
awav. Colonel ^Yashino:ton a2:reed to restore the 
prisoners, who had been taken at the skirmish with Ju- 
monville ; and, as a surety for this article, two hostages, 
Captain Yanbraam and Captain Stobo, were deliv- 
ered up to the French, and were to be retained till the 
prisoners should return. It was moreover agreed, that 
the party capitulating should not attempt to build any 
more establishments at that place, or beyond the 
mountains, for the space of a year. 

Early the next morning Colonel Washington began 
to march from the fort in good order ; but he had pro- 
ceeded only a short distance, when a body of one hun- 
dred Indians, being a reinforcement to the French, 
came upon him, and could hardly be restrained from 
attacking his men. They pilfered the baggage and 
did other mischief. He marched forward, however, 
4 



50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. 

with as much speed as possible in the weakened and 
encumbered condition of his army, there being no 
other mode of conveying the wounded men and the 
baggage, than on the soldiers' backs. As the pro- 
visions were nearly exhausted, no time was to be lost : 
and, leaving much of the baggage behind, he hastened 
to Will's Creek, where all the necessary supplies were 
in store. Thence Colonel Washington and Captain 
Mackay proceeded to Williamsburg, and communicated 
in person to Governor Dinwiddle the events of the 
campaign. 

The exact number of men engaged in the action 
cannot be ascertained. According to a return made 
out by Colonel Washington himself, the Virginia regi- 
ment consisted of three hundred and five, including 
officers, of whom twelve were killed and forty-three 
wounded. Captain Mackay's company was supposed 
to contain about one hundred, but the number of killed 
and wounded is not known. The Independent Com- 
panies from JSTew York did not reach the army before 
the action. 

The conduct of the commander and of the troops 
was highly approved by tlie governor and Council, 
and received merited applause from the public. As 
soon as the House of Burgesses assembled, they passed 
a vote of thanks to Colonel Washington and his officers 
" for their bravery and gallant defense of their country.'" 
A pistole was granted from the public treasury to each 
of the soldiers. 

Thus commenced the military career of Washington, 
and thus ended his first campaign. Although as yet a 
youth, with small experience, unskilled in war, and re- 
lying on his own resources, he had behaved with the 
prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran 
commander. Eigid in discipline, but sharing the hard- 
ships and solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he 



Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 

had secured their obedience and won their esteem 
amidst privations, sufferings, and perils that have 
seldom been surpassed. 

Notwithstanding the late discomfiture, Governor 
Dinwiddie's ardor did not abate. It was indeed a 
foible with him, that his zeal outstripped his knowl- 
edge and discretion. Wholly ignorant of military 
affairs, he undertook to organize the army, prescribe 
rules, issue orders, form plans of operation, and manage 
the details. Hence frequent blunders and confusion. 
Colonel Washington rejoined his regiment, which had 
marched by way of Winchester to Alexandria. He 
there received orders to fill up the companies by en- 
listments, and lead them without delay to Will's Creek, 
where Colonel Innes was employed in building Fort 
Cumberland, Avith a remnant of the North Carolina 
troops, and the three independent companies, that had 
come to Virginia from South Carolina and New York. 
It was the governor's project, that the united forces 
should immediately cross the Alleghanies, and drive the 
French from Fort Duquesne, or build another fort be- 
yond the mountains. 

Astonished that such a scheme should be contem- 
plated, at a season of the year when the mountains 
would be rendered impassable by the snows and rigor 
of the climate, and with an army destitute of supplies,, 
feeble in numbers, and worn down by fatigue. Colonel 
Washington wrote a letter of strong remonstrance to 
a member of the governor's Council, representing the 
absurdity and even impossibility of such an enterprise. 
His regiment was reduced by death, wounds, and sick- 
ness. He was ordered to obtain recruits, but not a 
farthing of money had been provided. He was ordered 
to march, but his men had neither arms, tents, ammu- 
nition, clothing, nor provisions, sufficient to enable 
them to take the field, and no means existed for pro- 



52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1764. 

curing them. It is enough to say, that the scheme 
was abandoned. 

The governor was destined to struggle with diffi- 
culties, and to have his hopes defeated. The Assembly 
were so perverse, as not to yield to all his demands, 
and he never ceased to complain of their " republican 
way of thinking," and to deplore their want of respect 
for the authority of his office and the prerogative of 
the crown. He had lately prorogued them, as a pun- 
ishment for their obstinacy, and written to the ministry, 
that the representatives of the people seemed to him 
infatuated, and that he was satisfied *' the progress of 
the French would never be effectually opposed, but by 
means of an act of Parliament to compel the colonies 
to contribute to the common cause independently of 
assemblies." When the buro:esses came too:ether ag^ain, 
however, he was consoled by their good nature in 
granting twenty thousand pounds for the public serv- 
ice; and he soon received ten thousand pounds in 
specie from the government in England for the same 
object. 

Thus encouraged he formed new plans, and, as the 
gift of ten thousand pounds was under his control, he 
could appropriate it as he pleased. He enlarged the 
army to ten companies, of one hundred men each, and 
put the whole upon the establishment of independent 
companies, by which the highest officers in the Virginia 
regiment would be captains, and even these inferior to 
officers of the same rank holding King's commissions. 
The effect was to reduce Colonel Washington to the 
rank of captain, and put him under officers whom he 
had commanded. Such a degradation, of course, was 
not to be submitted to by a high-minded man. He re- 
signed his commission, and retired from the army. 

Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, soon after received 
an appointment from the King as commander-in-chief 



Mt. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 58 

of the forces employed to act against the French. 
Knowing Colonel Washington's character, and the im- 
portance of his aid, Governor Sharpe solicited him, by 
a letter from himself and another from one of his 
officers, to resume his station. It was intimated, that 
he might hold his former commission. " This idea," 
said Washington in reply, " has filled me with surprise ; 
for, if you think me capable of holding a commission, 
that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, 
you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my 
weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the 
commission itself." He promptly declined the invita- 
tion, and added : " I shall have the consolation of know- 
ing, that I have opened the way, when the smallness 
of our numbers exposed us to the attacks of a superior 
enemy ; and that I have had the thanks of my country 
for the services I have rendered." 

Thus sustained within himself, neither seeking re- 
dress nor venting complaints, he passed the winter in 
retirement. He acknowledged his partiality, however, 
for the profession of arms, and his ambition to acquire 
experience and skill in the military art. 'Nor did he 
wait long for an opportunity to gratify his wishes. 



54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 



CHAPTEK YI. 

Engasres in the Expedition under General Braddock.— Difficulties encountered 
by the Army in its March.— Battle of the Monongahela.— Its disastrous Re- 
sults.— Bravery and good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action.— 
His prudent Advice to General Braddock. 

Early in the spring, General Braddock landed in 
Virginia, with two regiments of regular troops from 
Great Britain, which it was supposed w^ould bear 
down all opposition, and drive back the intruding 
French to Canada. The people were elated with joy, 
and already the war on the frontier seemed hastening 
to an end. Colonel Washington acceded to a request 
from General Braddock to take part in the campaign 
as one of his military family, in which he would re- 
tain his former rank, and the objections on that score 
would be obviated. 

His views on the subject w^ere explained, with a be- 
coming frankness and elevation of mind, in a letter to 
a friend. " I may be allowed," said he, " to claim 
some merit, if it is considered that the sole motive, 
which invites me to the field, is the laudable desire of 
serving my country, not the gratification of any am- 
bitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter myself, will 
manifestly appear by my going as a volunteer without 
expectation of reward or prospect of obtaining a com- 
mand, as I am confidently assured it is not in General 
Braddock's power to give me a commission that I 
would accept." Again, " If there is any merit in my 
case, I am unwilling to hazard it among my friends, 
wdthout this exposition of facts, as they might conceive 
that some advantageous offers had engaged my ser- 
vices, when, in reality, it is otherwise, for I expect to 



Mt. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 

be a considerable loser in my private affairs by going. 
It is true I have been importuned to make this cam- 
paign by General Braddock, as a member of his family, 
he conceiving, I suppose, that the small knowledge I 
have had an opportunity of acquiring of the country 
and the Indians is worthy of his notice, and may be use- 
ful to him in the progress of the expedition." In- 
fluenced by these honorable and generous motives, he 
accepted the offer, and prepared to engage in the ser- 
vice as a volunteer. 

Several companies of Braddock's two regiments 
were cantoned at Alexandria, at which place the com- 
mander himself met the governors of five colonies, in 
order to concert a general scheme of military opera- 
tions. Colonel Washington was introduced to these 
gentlemen ; and the manner in which he was received 
by them gave a flattering testimony of the considera- 
tion, Avhich his name and character had already in- 
spired. With the deportment and civilities of Governor 
Shirley he was particularly pleased. 

General Braddock marched to the interior, and was 
overtaken by Colonel Washington at Winchester, 
when the latter assumed the station and duties of aid- 
de-camp. The troops followed in divisions by different 
routes, and all assembled at Will's Creek. Here the 
general was disappointed, vexed, and thrown into 
paroxysms of ill humor, at not finding in readiness 
the horses and wagons, which had been promised, and 
on which he depended for transporting the baggage, 
tents, provisions, and artillery beyond that post. The 
contractors had proved faithless, either from neglect 
or inabilit3^ 

The embarrassment was at last removed by the 
patriotic zeal and activity of Franklin. Being post- 
master-general of the provinces, he visited the com- 
mander during his march, with the view of devising 



56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 

some plan to facilitate the transmission of the mail 
to and from the army. On certain conditions he 
agreed to procure one hundred and fifty wagons, and 
the requisite number of horses. By prompt exertions, 
and by his influence among the farmers of Pennsyl- 
vania, he obtained them all and sent them to Will's 
Creek. This act was praised by General Braddock in 
a letter to the ministry ; but he passed a severe censure 
upon the authorities of the country by adding, " that 
it was the only instance of address and integrity, 
which he had seen in the provinces." 

While these preparations were in progress. Colonel 
Washington was sent on a mission to Williamsburg to 
procure money for the military chest. The trust 
was executed with despatch and success. On return- 
ing to camp he found that a detachment of five hun- 
dred men had marched in advance ; and all the troops 
were immediately put in motion, except a small party 
left as a guard at Fort Cumberland. The scene was 
new to the general and his officers, and obstacles pre- 
sented themselves at ever}^ step, which they had not 
anticipated. The roughness of the road made it im- 
possible for the usual number of horses to drag the 
wagons, loaded as they were, not only with the supplies 
and munitions, but with superfluous baggage, and the 
camp equipage of the officers ; and they were obliged 
to double the teams, thus detaining the whole train of 
wagons, till those in front were forced along by this 
tedious process. 

It was soon apparent, that, with these hindrances, 
the season might be consumed in crossing the moun- 
tains. A council of war was resorted to ; but before it 
met, the general privately asked the opinion of Colonel 
Washington. '^ I urged him," said he, " in the warm- 
est terms I was able, to push forward, if he even 
did it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery 



^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 

and light stores as were necessary, leaving the heavy 
artillery and baggage with the rear division to follow 
by slow and easy marches, w^hich they might do safely 
while we were advancing in front." His reason for 
pressing this measure was, that, from the best advices, 
an accession of force was shortly expected at Fort 
Daquesne, and that it was of the utmost moment 
to make the attack before such an event should occur. 
It was moreover important to divide the army, be- 
cause the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of 
getting the wagons along, caused it to be stretched 
into a line four miles in length, by which the soldiers 
were so much scattered, that they might be attacked 
and routed at any point, even by small partier, before 
a proper force could be brought to their support. 

These suggestions prevailed in the council, and were 
approved by the general. The army was separated 
into two divisions. Braddock led the advanced divi- 
sion of twelve hundred men lightly equipped, taking 
only such carriages and articles as were absolutely 
essential. Colonel Dunbar, with the residue of the 
army, about six hundred, remained in the rear. 

At this time Colonel Washington was seized with a 
raging fever, which was so violent as to alarm the 
ph3^sician ; and, as an act of humanity, the general 
ordered him to proceed no further, till the danger was 
over ; Avith a solemn pledge, that he should be brought 
up to the front of the army before it should reach the 
French fort. Consigned to a wagon, and to the physi- 
cian's care, he continued with the rear division nearly 
two Aveeks, when he was enabled to be moved forward 
by slow stages, but not without much pain from weak- 
ness and the jolting of the vehicle. He overtook the 
general at the mouth of the Youghiogany Biver, fif- 
teen miles from Fort Duquesne, the evening before th^ 
battle of the Monongahela, 



58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 

The officers and soldiers were now in the highest 
spirits, and firm in the conviction, that they should 
within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort 
Duquesne. The steep and rugged grounds, on the 
north side of the Monongahela, prevented the army 
from marching in that direction, and it was necessary 
in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles dis- 
tant, to ford the river twice, and march a part of the 
way on the south side. Early on the morning of the 
9tb, all things were in readiness, and the whole train 
passed through the river a little below the mouth of 
the Youghiogany, and proceeded in perfect order along 
the southern margin of the Monongahela. Washing- 
ton w^as often heard to say during his lifetime, that 
the most beautiful spectacle he had ever beheld 
was the display of the British troops on this eventful 
morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uni- 
form, the soldiers were arranged in columns and 
marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from their 
burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their 
right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with 
solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men were 
equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident 
anticipations. 

In this manner they marched forward till about 
noon, when they arrived at the second crossing-place, 
ten miles from Fort Duquesne. They halted but a 
little time, and then began to ford the river and regain 
its northern bank. As soo^n as they had crossed, they 
came upon a level plain, elevated only a few feet above 
the surface of the river, and extending northward 
nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced 
a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, 
which terminated in hills of a considerable height at 
no great distance beyond. The road from the fording- 
place to Fort Duquesne led across the plain and up 



Mr. 28.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON; 59 

this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven 
country, at that time covered with woods. 

By the order of march, a body of three hundred 
men, under Colonel Gage, made the advanced party, 
which was immediately followed by another of two 
hundred. Next came the general with the columns of 
artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. 
At one o'clock the whole had crossed the river, and 
almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard 
upon the advanced parties, who were now ascending 
the hill, and had proceeded about a hundred yards 
from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge 
of musketry was poured in upon their front, which 
was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of 
an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another 
on the right flank. They were filled with the greater 
consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing 
seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fired 
in their turn, however, but quite at random, and obvi- 
ously without effect. 

The general hastened forward to the relief of the 
advanced parties ; but before he could reach the spot 
which they occupied, they gave way and fell back 
upon the artillery and the other columns of the army, 
causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass 
with such a panic, that no order could afterwards be 
restored. The general and the officers behaved with 
the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the 
men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In 
this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling 
together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting 
down their own officers and men, and doing no per- 
ceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provincials 
were the only troops who seemed to retain their senses, 
and they behaved with a bravery and resolution worthy 
of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode, and 



60 LIFE OF WASHINaTOK. [1755. 

fought each man for himself behind a tree. This was 
prohibited by the general, who endeavored to form 
his men into platoons and columns, as if they had been 
maneuvering on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the 
French and Indians, concealed in the ravines and be- 
hind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge 
of musketry, singling out their objects, taking delib- 
erate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled 
in the annals of modern warfare. More than half of 
the whole army, which had crossed the river in so 
proud an array only three hours before, were killed or 
wounded. The general himself received a mortal 
wound, and many of his best officers fell by his side. 

During the whole of the action, as reported by an 
officer who witnessed his conduct. Colonel "Washington 
behaved with " the greatest courage and resolution." 
Captains Orme and Morris, the two other aides-de- 
camp, were wounded and disabled, and the duty of 
distributing the general's orders devolved on him alone. 
He rode in eve'ry direction, and was a conspicuous 
mark for the enemy's sharpshooters. " By the all- 
powerful dispensations of Providence," said he, in a 
letter to his brother, " I have been protected beyond 
all human probability or expectation ; for I had four 
bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under 
me, yet I escaped unhurt, although death was leveling 
ni}^ companions on every side of me." So bloody a 
contest has rarely been witnessed. The number of 
officers in the engagement was eighty-six, of whom 
twenty -six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. 
The killed and wounded of the privates amounted to 
seven hundred and fourteen. On the other hand, the 
enemy's loss was small. Their force amounted at 
least to eight hundred and fifty men, of whom six hun- 
dred were Indians. According to the returns, not 
more than forty were killed. They fought in deep 



^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 

rayines, concealed bj the bushes, and the balls of the 
English passed over their heads. 

The remnant of Braddock's army being put to 
flight, and having recrossed the river, Colonel Wash- 
ington hastened to meet Colonel Dunbar, and order 
up horses and wagons for the wounded. Three days 
were occupied in retreating to Gist's plantation. The 
enemy did not pursue them. Satiated with carnage 
and plunder, the Indians could not be tempted from 
the battle-field, and the French were too few to act 
without their aid. The unfortunate general, dying of 
his wounds, was transported first in a tumbril, then on 
a horse, and at last was carried by the soldiers. He 
expired the fourth day after the battle, and was 
buried in the road near Fort ISTecessity. A new panic 
seized the troops ; disorder and confusion reigned ; 
the artillery was destroyed; the public stores and 
heavy baggage were burnt, no one could tell by whose 
orders ; nor were discipline and tranquillity restored 
till the straggling and bewildered companies arrived 
at Fort Cumberland. Colonel Washington, no longer 
connected with the service, and debilitated by his late 
illness, stayed there a few days to regain strength, 
and then returned to Mount Yernon. 

Such was the termination of an enterprise, one of 
the most memorable in American history, and almost 
unparalleled for its disasters, and the universal disap- 
pointment and consternation it occasioned. Notwith- 
standing its total and even disgraceful failure, the bit- 
ter invectives everywhere poured out against its 
principal conductors, and the reproaches heaped upon 
the memory of its ill-fated commander, yet the fame 
and character of Washington were greatly enhanced 
by it. His intrepidity and good conduct were lauded 
by his companions in arms, and proclaimed from 
province to province. Contrary to his will, and in 



62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 

spite of his efforts, lie had gathered laurels from the 
defeat and ruin of others. Had the expedition been 
successful, these laurels would have adorned the brow 
of his superiors. It might have been said of him, that 
he had done his duty, and acquitted himself honorably ; 
but he could not have been the prominent and single 
object of public regard ; nor could he, by a long series of 
common events, have risen to so high an eminence, or 
acquired in so wide a sphere the admiration and confi- 
dence of the people. For himself, for his country, for 
mankind, therefore, this catastrophe, in appearance so 
calamitous and so deeply deplored at the time, should 
unquestionabh^ be considered as a wise and beneficent 
dispensation of Providence. 

It was known that he gave prudent counsel to 
General Braddock, which was little heeded. During 
the march, a body of Indians offered their services, 
which, at the earnest recommendation and request of 
Washington, were accepted, but in so cold a manner, 
and the Indians were treated with so much neglect, 
that they withdrew one after another in disgust. On 
the evening preceding the action, they came again to 
camp, and renewed their offer. Again Colonel Wash- 
ington interposed, and urged the importance of these 
men as scouts and out-guards, their knowledge of the 
ground, and skill in fighting among woods. Relying 
on the prowess of his regular troops, and disdaining 
such allies, the general peremptorily refused to receive 
them, in a tone not more decided than ungracious. 
Had a scouting party of a dozen Indians preceded the 
army after it crossed the Monongahela, they would 
have detected the enemy in the ravines, and reversed 
the fortunes of the day. 

General Braddock was a brave man and an ex- 
perienced officer ; but, arrogant and obstinate, he had 
the weakness, at all times a folly and in his case an 



JET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 

iafatuation, to despise his enemy. Ignorant of the 
country, of the mode of warfare in which he was 
enoiged, and of the force opposed to him, he refused 
counsel, neglected precautions, and thus lost his life. 



64 i^'E OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 



CHAPTER YIL 

Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the Virginia Forces.— 
Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants.— Difficulties with an Officer.— 
holding a King's Commission concerning Rank.— Washington visits General 
Shirley at Boston upon this Subject.— His Claim confirmed.- -Returns and 
repairs to his Headquarters at Winchester.— Embarrassments of his 
Situation.— Testimonies of Confidence in his Character and Ability. 

Although Colonel Washington retired to a private 
station at Mount Yernon, he did not neglect his duties 
to the public. Still holding the office of adjutant- 
general of the militia, he circulated orders for them to 
assemble at certain times and places to be exercised 
and reviewed. So much were the inhabitants alarmed 
at the recent successes of the enemy, that their martial 
spirit received a new impulse, and volunteer companies 
beo^an to be oro^anized. Their ardor was stimulated 
from the pulpit, and it was in a sermon to one of these 
companies, that the accomplished and eloquent Samuel 
Da vies pronounced the celebrated encomium in a single 
sentence, which has often been quoted as prophetic. 
After praising the zeal and courage, which had been 
shown by the Virginia troops, the preacher added: 
" As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to 
the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, 
\vhom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto 
preserved in so signal a manner for some important 
service to his country." This was but the echo of the 
general voice, and it is a proof of the high estimation 
in which the character of Washington was at this time 
held by his countrymen, and of the hopes it had raised. 

Another and more substantial proof soon followed. 
The Yirginia legislature voted forty thousand pounds 



^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^5 

for the public service, and enlarged their regiment to 
sixteen companies. Three hundred pounds were like- 
wise granted to Colonel Washington, and proportional 
sums to the other officers and privates, " for their 
gallant behavior and losses" at the battle of the 
Monongahela. 

While the bill was pending, his friends in the 
Assembly wrote to him, urging his attendance at 
Williamsburg, and expressing their wishes, that he 
might be appointed to the command of the army under 
its new organization. Interest was made for another 
person, which was known to be countenanced by the 
governor's predilections. To these letters, and partic- 
ularly to one from his elder brother, then a member 
of the Assembly, he replied in language worthy of 
himself, dignified, disinterested, firm. He said that he 
had served two campaigns, besides performing a perilous 
journey, had suffered much in his health and affairs, 
had been deprived of his commission in a way to 
wound his feelings, had gone out and fought as a 
volunteer, and that the result of the whole was vexation 
and disappointment. He added, however, "I am 
always willing and ready to render my country any 
services that I am capable of, but never upon the terms 
I have done." He did not absolutely refuse to accept 
the command, if it should be offered, but said he would 
not seek what he did not covet, nor be thought to 
solicit what he would receive only as voluntarily 
bestowed by his countrymen. Standing on this high 
ground, he prescribed several conditions as essential ; 
among others, a voice in choosing his officers, a better 
system of military regulations, more promptness in 
paying the troops, and a thorough reform, inducing 
activity and method, in all the departments for procur- 
ing supplies. 

No one, probably, was more surprised than himself, 
5 



66 LIFE OF WASHINaTOK. [1755. 

that all his requisitions should be complied with. The 
appointment was confirmed in the fullest latitude of 
his demands, with the additional privilege of an aid- 
de-camp and secretary. He had been at home but 
four weeks when he was called to Williamsburg to re- 
ceive his instructions and make arrangements for organ- 
izing the new army. Public opinion had subdued the 
governor's partiality for another candidate, and he 
acquiesced with apparent satisfaction. In a letter to 
the ministry, he spoke of Colonel "Washington as " a 
man of great merit and resolution," adding, "I am 
convinced, if General Braddock had survived, he would 
have recommended him to the royal favor, which I 
beg your interest in recommending." How far the 
minister's interest was effectual is uncertain ; but no 
royal favor to Washington ever crossed the Atlantic. 

Being now established in a command of high re- 
sponsibility, he applied himself to the discharge of its 
duties with his accustomed energy and circumspection. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Stephen and Major Andrew 
Lewis were the field-officers next in rank. His head- 
quarters were fixed at Winchester. After putting 
affairs in train, sending out recruiting officers, and re- 
porting to the governor the state of the old regiment 
and estimates for the new, he performed a tour of in- 
spection among the mountains, visiting all the out- 
posts along the frontier from Fort Cumberland to 
Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's Eiver, giving the neces- 
sary orders, and obtaining, from personal observation, a 
knowledge of everything within the compass of his 
command. Scarcely was this service completed, when 
an express overtook him, on his way to Williamsburg, 
bringing intelligence that the Indians had broken 
into the back settlements, committed ravages and 
murders, and spread terror on every side. He hastened 
back to headquarters, called in the recruits, summoned 



Mt. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 67 

the militia to assemble, and ordered out such a force 
as he could muster to repel the ruthless invaders. The 
check was timely and effectual, but not such as to 
quiet the fears of the inhabitants, who flocked in 
families from their homes ; and so great was the panic 
that many of them continued their flight till they had 
crossed the Blue Ridge. 

There was a circumstance at this time connected with 
his command, which caused discontent both to himself 
'And to his officers. At Fort Cumberland, was a Captain 
Dagworthy, commissioned by Governor Sharpe, who 
had under him a small company of Maryland troops. 
This person had held a royal commission in the last 
war, upon which he now plumed himself, refusing 
obedience to any provincial officer, however high in 
rank. Hence, whenever Colonel Washington was at 
Fort Cumberland, the Maryland captain would pay no 
regard to his orders. The example was mischievous, 
and kept the garrison in perpetual feuds and insubor- 
dination. The affair was laid in due form before Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle, and his positive order in the case was 
requested. Not caring to venture Ills authority in 
deciding a doubtful question, the governor refrained 
from interference, but at the same time told Colonel 
Washington that the pretensions of Dagworthy were 
frivolous ; and he seemed not a little incensed, that a 
captain with thirty men should presume to dispute the 
rank of the commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, 
who had been commissioned under his own hand. In 
short, he intimated to Colonel Washington, that Dag- 
worth}^ might be arrested, according to military usage, 
taking care, nevertheless, to give no order on the 
subject. 

This vacillation of the governor only increased the 
embarrassment. In the first place, the fort was in 
Maryland, and Dagworthy acted under the governor 



eS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 

of that colony, who was known to encourage his claim. 
Again, in General Braddock's time, Dagworthy, on 
the ground of his old commission, had been put above 
provincial oflBcers of higher rank. With these prece- 
dents before him, Colonel Washington did not choose 
to hazard an arrest, for which he might himself be 
called to account. He was prompt, however, in his de- 
termination, either to resign his commission, as he had 
formerly done for a similar reason, or to have this 
difficulty removed. 

As a last resort, it was proposed to refer the matter 
to General Shirley, now the commander-in-chief of his 
Majesty's armies in America ; and it was the request 
of the officers, that the petition should be presented by 
Colonel Washington in person. The proposal was 
approved by the governor, who consented to his ab- 
sence, and furnished him with letters to the General 
and other persons of distinction. 

Despatching orders to Colonel Stephen, who was 
left with the command of the Virginia troops, he made 
no delay in preparing for his departure. He com- 
menced his tour on the 4th of February, 1756. General 
Shirley was at Boston. A journey of five hundred 
miles was to be performed in the depth of winter. 
Attended by his aid-de-camp, Captain Mercer, and by 
Captain Stewart, he traveled the whole way on horse- 
back, pursuing the route through Philadelphia, New 
York, New London, and Rhode Island. He stopped 
several days in the principal cities, where his character, 
and the curiosity to see a person so renowned for his 
bravery and miraculous escape at Brad dock's defeat, 
procured for him much notice. He Avas politely re- 
ceived by General Shirley, who acceded to his petition 
in its fullest extent, giving a pointed order in writing, 
that Dagworthy should be subject to his command. 
The journey was advantageous in other respects. The 



^T. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 

plan of operations for the coming campaign was 
explained to him by the General ; and he formed ac- 
quaintances and acquired knowledge eminently useful 
to him at a future day. He was absent from Virginia 
seven weeks. 

While in 'New York, he was lodged and kindly 
entertained at the house of Mr. Beverley Robinson, 
between whom and himself an intimacy of friendship 
subsisted, wliich indeed continued without change, till 
severed by their opposite fortunes twenty years after- 
wards in the Revolution. It happened that Miss Mary 
Phillips, a sister of Mrs. Robinson, and a young lady 
of rare accomplishments, was an inmate in the family. 
The charms of this lady made a deep impression upon 
the heart of the Virginia Colonel. He went to Boston, 
returned, and was again welcomed to the hospitality 
of Mr. Robinson. He lingered there, till duty called 
him away ; but he was careful to intrust his secret to 
a confidential friend, whose letters kept him informed 
of every important event. In a few months intelligence 
came, that a rival was in the field, and that the con- 
sequences could not be answered for, if he delayed to 
renew his visits to New York. Whether time, the 
bustle of a camp, or the scenes of war, had moderated 
his admiration, or whether he despaired of success, is 
not known. He never saw the lady again, till she was 
married to that same rival. Captain Morris, his former 
associate in arms, and one of Braddock's aids-de- 
camp. 

He had before felt the influence of the tender passion. 
At the age of seventeen he Avas smitten by the graces 
of a fair one, whom he called a " Lowland beauty," and 
whose praises he recorded in glowing strains, while 
wandering with his surveyor's compass among the 
Alleghany Mountains. On that occasion he wrote de- 
sponding letters to a friend, and indited plaintive verses, 



70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 

but never ventured to reveal his emotions to the lady, 
who was unconsciously the cause of his pains. 

As the Assembly was to convene just at the time of 
his return, he hastened to Williamsburg, in order to 
mature a plan for employing the army during the 
summer. The idea of offensive operations was aban- 
doned at the outset, j^either artillery, engineers, nor 
the means of transportation necessary for such an 
object, could be procured. Penny si vania and Mary- 
land, aroused at last from their apathy, had appro- 
priated money for defense ; but, not inclined to unite 
with Virginia or each other in any concerted meas- 
ures, the}^ were contented to expend their substance 
in fortif3^ing their own borders. If a more liberal policy 
had predominated, if these colonies had smothered 
their local jealousies and looked only to their common 
interests, they might by a single combined effort have 
driven the French from the Ohio, and rested in quiet 
the remainder of the war. There being no hope of 
such a result, it was foreseen by the Virginians, that 
the most strenuous exertions would be requisite to 
defend tlie long line of their frontiers against the 
inroads of the savages. 

The Assembly readily came to a determination, there- 
fore, to augment the army to fifteen hundred men. 
A bill was enacted for drafting militia to supply the 
deficiency of recruits, and commissioners were ap- 
pointed to superintend the business, of whom the 
Speaker was chairman. These drafted men were to 
serve till December, to be incorporated into the army, 
and subjected to the military code. By an express 
clause in the law, they could not be marched out of 
the province. 

Colonel "Washington repaired to his headquarters at 
AVinchester. A few men only were stationed there, 
the regiment being mostly dispersed at different posts 



^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Yl 

in the interior so situated as to afford the best protec- 
tion to the inhabitants. The enemy were on the alert. 
Scarcely a day passed without new accounts of Indian 
depredations and massacres. The scouting parties 
and even the forts w^ere attacked, and many of the 
soldiers and some of the bravest officers killed. So 
bold were the savages, that they committed robberies 
and murders within twenty miles of Winchester, and 
serious apprehensions were entertained for the safety 
of that place. 

Eumors were also circulated to the disparagement of 
the army, charging the officers wdth o^ross irregularities 
and neglect of duty, and indirectly throwing the blame 
upon the commander. A malicious person filled a 
gazette with tales of this sort, which seemed for the 
moment to receive public countenance. Conscious of 
having acted with the utmost vigilance, knowing the 
falsehood and wickedness of these slanders, and 
indignant at so base a maneuver to stain his character, 
it was his first impulse to retire from a station, in 
w^hich patriotism, the purest intentions, hardships, and 
sacrifices, were rewarded only with calumny and 
reproach. 

This intimation Avas viewed by his friends in the 
House of Burgesses and the Council with much concern, 
as their letters testified. Mingling approbation with 
remonstrance, and praise with advice, they made such 
representations, as it was not easy for him to disregard. 
'^ You cannot but know," said Landon Carter, " that 
nothing but want of power in 3'our country * has 
prevented it from adding every honor and reward, 
that perfect merit could have entitled itself to. How 
are we grieved to hear Colonel George "Washington 
hinting to his country, that he is willing to retire ! 

* Meaning by country the popular branch of the legislature, or the people 
of Virginia generally. 



72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 

Give me leave, as your intimate friend, to persuade 
yoa to forget, that anything has been said to your 
dishonor ; and recollect, that it could not have come 
from any man that knew you. And, as it m,ay have 
been the artifice of one in no esteem among your 
countrymen, to raise in you such unjust suspicions, as 
would induce you to desert the cause, that his own 
preferment might meet with no obstacle, I am con- 
fident you will endeavor to give us the good effects, 
not only of duty, but of great cheerfulness and satisfac- 
tion, in such a service. No, Sir, rather let Braddock's 
bed be your aim, than anything that might discolor 
those laurels, which I promise myself are kept in store 
for you." Another friend wrote : " From my constant 
attendance in the House, I can with great truth say, I 
never heard your conduct questioned. Whenever you 
are mentioned, it is with the greatest respect. Your 
orders and instructions appear in a light worthy of 
the most experienced officer. I can assure you, that a 
very great majority of the House prefer you to any 
other person." 

Colonel Fairfax, his early patron, and a member of 
the governor's Council, wrote in terms still more 
soothing. " Your endeavors in the service and defense 
of your country must redound to your honor ; therefore 
do not let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your 
mind in the attempts you may pursue. Your good 
health and fortune are the toast of every table. Among 
the Komans, such a general acclamation and public 
regard, shown to any of their chieftains, were always 
esteemed a high honor, and gratefully accepted." The 
Speaker of the House of Burgesses expressed similar 
sentiments, in language equally flattering and kind. 
" Our hopes, dear George, are all fixed on 3^ou for 
bringing our affairs to a happy issue. Consider of 
what fatal consecjuences to your country your resigning 



Mt. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 

the command at this time may be ; more especially as 
there is no doubt most of the officers would follow 
your example. I hope you will allow your ruling 
passion, the love of your country, to stifle your resent- 
ment, at least till the arrival of Lord Loudoun, or the 
meeting of the Assembly, when you may be sure of 
haviug justice done. Who those of your pretended 
friends are, who give credit to the malicious reflections 
in that scandalous libel, I assure you 1 am ignorant, 
and do declare, that I never heard any man of honor 
or reputation speak the least disrespectfully of you, or 
censure your conduct, and there is no well-wisher to 
his country, that would not be greatly concerned to 
to hear of your resigning." 

The same solicitude was manifested by many persons 
in different parts of the province. A voice so loud and 
so unanimous he could not refuse to obey. By degrees 
the plot was unraveled. The governor, being a Scotch- 
man, was surrounded by a knot of his Caledonian 
friends, who wished to profit by this alliance, and 
obtain for themselves a larger share of consideration, 
than they could command in the present order of 
things. The discontented, and such as thought their 
merits undervalued, naturally fell into this faction. 
To create dissatisfaction in the army, and cause the 
officers to resign from disgust, would not only distract 
the councils of the ruling party, but make room for 
new promotions. Colonel Innes, the governor's fa- 
vorite, would ascend to the chief command, and the 
subordinate places would be reserved for his adherents. 
Hence false rumors were set afloat, and the pen of 
detraction was busy to disseminate them. The artifice 
was easily seen through, and its aims were defeated, 
by the leaders on the patriotic side, who looked to 
Colonel Washington as a pillar of support to their 
causa. 



74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 



CHAPTER YIIL 

Occurrences of a Campaign.— Incursions of the Savages.— Plan of Fortifica- 
tions for the Interior.— Fort Cumberland.— Memorial presented by Colonel 
Washington to the Earl of Loudoun on the State of Military Affairs in Vir 
ginia.— Governor Dinwiddle sails for England.— An Expedition against Fori 
Duquesne planned by the British Ministry, to be under the Command of 
Genera) Forbes.— The Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Reg- 
ular Troops in this Enterprise. 

The campaign, being a defensive one, presented no 
opportunities for acquiring glory ; but the demands on 
the resources and address of the commander were not 
the less pressing. The scene varied little from that of 
the preceding year, except that the difficulties were 
more numerous and complicated. There were the 
same unceasing incursions of the savages, but more 
sanguinary and terrifying, the same tardiness in the 
enlistments, the same troubles with the militia, the 
same neglect in supplying the wants of the army ; and 
on every side were heard murmurs of discontent from 
the soldiers, and cries of distress from the inhabitants. 

And what increased these vexations was, that the 
governor, tenacious of his authority, intrusted as little 
power as possible to the head of the army. Totally 
unskilled in military affairs, and residing two hundred 
miles from the scene of action, he yet undertook to reg- 
ulate the principal operations, sending expresses back 
and forth and issuing vague and contradictory orders, 
seldom adapted to circumstances, frequently imprac- 
ticable. This absurd interference was borne with be- 
coming patience and fortitude by the Commander-in- 
chief ; but not without keen remonstrance to the 
Speaker of the Assembly and other friends, against 



^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 

being made responsible for military events, while the 
power to control thein Avas withheld, or so heavily 
clogged as to paralyze its action. The patriotic party 
in the legislature sympathized with him, and would 
gladly have procured redress, had not the governor 
possessed prerogatives which they could not encroach 
upon, and which he seemed ambitious to exercise ; the 
more so, perhaps, as the leaders of the majority, learn- 
ing his foible in this respect, had thwarted many of 
his schemes, and especially had assumed to themselves 
the appropriation of the public moneys, which by ancient 
usage had been under the direction of the governor 
and Council. 

The summer and autumn were passed in skirmishes 
with the Indians, repairing the old forts and building 
new ones. By the advice of Colonel Washington a 
large fort was begun at Winchester as a depositary for 
the military stores, and a rallying point for the set- 
tlers and troops, should they be driven from the fron- 
tiers. It was called Fort Loudoun, in honor of the 
Earl of Loudoun, who had now succeeded General 
Shirley in the American command. 

Another enterprise of greater magnitude was like- 
wise set on foot by order of the Assembly ; which was 
a line of forts extending through the ranges of the Al- 
leghany Mountains from the Potomac River to the 
borders of J^orth Carolina, a distance of more than 
three hundred miles, thus forming a barrier to the 
whole frontier. The scheme was not liked by the gov- 
ernor. Colonel Washington disapproved it. He ob- 
jected that the forts would be too far asunder to sup- 
port each other, that the Indians might pass between 
them unmolested, that they Avould be expensive, and 
cause the troops to be so much dispersed as to prevent 
their being brought together on an emergency, thus 
tempting the enemy to come out in large parties and 



76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. 

attack the weaker points. He believed that three or 
four strong garrisons would constitute a better defense. 
In conformity with his instructions, however, he drew 
up a plan embracing a chain of twenty-three forts, and 
fixing their several positions. He sent out parties to 
execute the works, and visited them himself from time 
to time. On one occasion he made a tour throughout 
the whole line to the southern limits of Yirginia, ex- 
posed to imminent danger from the savages, who 
hovered around the small forts, and lay in wait to 
intercept and murder all who came in their way. 

In the midst of these toils, another source of vexa- 
tion occurred in the affair of Fort Cumberland. As 
this was now an outpost accessible to the enemy, 
easily assailed from the hills surrounding it, and con- 
taining a large quantity of stores, which required a 
guard of one hundred and fifty men, who might sud- 
denly be cut off. Colonel Washington advised the re- 
moval of the stores to a safer position. The post was, 
moreover, in Maryland, and ought to be supported, if 
kept up at all, at the expense of that colony. For 
some reason not explained, the governor had set his 
heart on retaining Fort Cumberland. He said it was 
a King's fort, and he wrote to Lord Loudoun in such 
terms as to draw from him, not only a peremptory 
order to keep the fort, but an implied censure on the 
designs and conduct of Colonel Washington in regard 
to it. So far did the governor suffer his warmth and 
obstinacy to carry him, that he ordered Fort Cumber- 
land to be strengthened by calling in the smaller gar- 
risons, and even drawing away the troops from Win- 
chester, thus deranging the plan of operations, which 
the Assembly had authorized, and which the Avhole 
army had been employed during the season to effect. 

It is no wonder, that the commander's patience and 
equanimity began to forsake him. In a letter to the 



^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 

Speaker, he said : " The late order reverses, confuses, 
and incommodes everything ; to say nothing of the 
extraordinary expense of carriage, disappointments, 
losses, and alterations, which must fall heavy on 
the country. Whence it arises, or why, I am truly 
ignorant ; but my strongest representations of mat- 
ters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disre- 
garded, as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and 
measures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest 
endeavors for the service of my country are perverted 
to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, 
and uncertain ; to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. 
Left to act and proceed at hazard, accountable for the 
consequences, and blamed without the benefit of de- 
fense, if you can think my situation capable of excit- 
ing the smallest degree of envy, or affording the least 
satisfaction, the truth is yet hidden from you, and you 
entertain notions very different from the reality of the 
case. However, I am determined to bear up under all 
these embarrassments some time longer, in hope of a 
better regulation on the arrival of Lord Loudoun, to 
whom I look for the future fate of Yirginia." 

The year was now drawing to a close. As the Earl 
of Loudoun w^as expected soon in Virginia, Colonel 
"Washington resolved to await his arrival, and lay be- 
fore him a general exposition of the state of affairs, 
and, if possible, to have the Virginia troops put upon 
the regular establishment under the direction of his 
Lordship, as the only mode by which the command of 
them could be useful to his country, or honorable to 
himself. In anticipation of this event he drew up an 
able and luminous statement, which he transmitted to 
Lord Loudoun, then with the armies at the north. 

The paper begins with the modest apology for in- 
truding upon his Lordship's notice, which is followed 
by a brief sketch of the history of the war in Virginia, 



78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. 

and of the part acted in it by the author. With the dis- 
crimination of an acute observer and an experienced 
officer, he traced a narrative of events, exposed the 
errors that had been committed and their consequences, 
both in the civil and military departments, expkuned 
their causes, and suggested remedies for the future. 
The communication was favorably received, and ac- 
knowledged in a complimentary reply. 

Lord Loudoun did not execute his first purpose of 
going to Virginia, but summoned a meeting of several 
governors and principal officers at Philadelphia, to 
consult on a comprehensive plan for the next cam- 
paign. Colonel Washington attended the meeting, 
where he met with a flattering reception from the 
Commander-in-chief, who solicited and duly valued his 
counsels. The result, however, was only a partial ful- 
filment of his hopes. In the grand scheme of opera- 
tions it was decided, that the main efforts should be 
made on the Lakes and Canada borders, where the 
enemy's forces were embodied, and that the middle 
and southern colonies should continue in a defensive 
posture. He had the satisfaction to find, nevertheless, 
that his advice was followed in regard to local arrange- 
ments. The Virginia troops were withdrawn from 
Fort Cumberland, which was left to the charge of 
Mar3^1and. Colonel Stanwix was stationed in the in- 
terior of Pennsylvania, with five companies from the 
Koyal American Kegiments ; and, although the Vir- 
ginia commander was unsuccessful in his endeavors to 
be placed upon the British establishment, yet, in con- 
formity with his wishes, he was to act in concert with 
that officer, and be in some sort under his orders. 

He strenuously recommended an expedition against 
Fort Duquesne, believing it might be effected with a 
certainty of success, since the French must necessarily 
leave that garrison in a weak condition, in order to 



Mt. 25.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 

concentrate their force at the north to meet the formi- 
dable preparations making against them in that quar- 
ter. The wisdom of this advice was afterwards mani- 
fest to all ; and, had it been seasonably heeded, it 
would have saved the expense of another campaign, 
besides preventing the ravages and murders committed 
in the meantime on the border settlers. In these 
views, if not in others, he had the hearty concurrence of 
Governor Dinwiddie. 

From the conference at Philadelphia he returned to 
his usual station at "Winchester. The remainder of 
the season was passed in a routine of duties so nearly 
resembling those of the two preceding years as to af- 
ford little novelty or interest for a separate recital. 
Emboldened by successes, the Indians continued their 
hostilities, attacking the outposts, and killing the de- 
fenseless inhabitants. In short, the service had noth- 
ing in it to reward generous sacrifices or gratify a 
noble ambition. As a school of experience, it ulti- 
mately proved advantageous to him. It was his good 
fortune, likewise, to gain honor and reputation even in 
so barren a field, by retaining the confidence of his 
fellow-citizens, and fulfilling the expectations of his 
friends in the legislature, who had pressed upon him 
the command, and urged his holding it. 

But the fatigue of body and mind, w^hich he suffered 
from the severity of his labors, gradually undermined 
his strength, and his physician insisted on his retiring 
from the army. He went to Mount Yernon, where 
his disease settled into a fever, and reduced him so low 
that he was confined four months, till the 1st of 
March, 1758, before he was able to resume his com- 
mand. 

Governor Dinwiddie sailed for England in the 
month of January. His departure was not regretted. 
However amiable in his social relations, however zeal- 



80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

ous in the discharge of his public trusts, he failed to 
win the hearts, or command the respect, of the people. 
Least of all was he qualified to transact military affairs. 
His whole course of conduct was marked with a con- 
fusion, uncertainty, and waywardness, which caused in- 
finite perplexity to the commander of the Yirginia 
troops. Every one regarded the change as salutary to 
the interests of the colom^. His place was filled for a 
short time by John Blair, President of the Council, till 
the arrival of Francis Fauquier, the next governor. 
The Earl of Loudoun had been commissioned as suc- 
cessor to Governor Dinwiddle, but his military occu- 
pations at the north prevented his entering upon the 
duties of the office. 

A brighter prospect now opened to Colonel Wash- 
ington. As soon as his health was restored, he went 
back to the armj^ and from that time met with a 
hearty cooperation in all his measures. He was happy 
to find, also, that his early and constant wishes were 
at last to be realized by a combined expedition to the 
Ohio. Kew energy had been recently infused in the 
British councils by the accession of Mr. Pitt to the 
ministry. That statesman, always guided by an 
enlarged policy, always friendly to the colonies, and 
understanding their condition and importance much 
better than his predecessors, resolved on a vigorous 
prosecution of the war in America. One of his first 
acts was a plan for the campaign of 1758, in which of- 
fensive operations were to be pursued throughout the 
frontiers. General Forbes was appointed to take com- 
mand of an expedition against Fort Duquesne. To 
prepare the way, Mr. Pitt, knowing the temper of the 
people, and profiting by the mistakes heretofore commit- 
ted, wrote a circular letter to the colonies most nearly 
concerned, and requested their united aid on such terms 
as were acceded to with alacrity, and carried into effect 



Mt. 38.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 

with promptitude and spirit. He proposed that all the 
colonial troops should be supplied with arms, ammuni- 
tion, tents and provisions at the King's charge, leaving 
to the colonies no other expense than that of levying 
clothing and paying the men. It was moreover stipu- 
lated that the provincial officers, when joined with the 
King's troops, should hold rank according to their 
commissions. Had this wise and equitable policy been 
put in practise three years before, it would have given 
a very different aspect to the war in America, by di- 
minishing the heavy burdens of the people, promoting 
harmony and good feeling, producing contentment 
among the troops, and drawing out the resources and 
strength of the country in a more effectual manner. 

The Virginia Assembly met, and immediately com- 
plied with the requisitions of the minister, augmenting 
their army to two thousand men, offering a bounty for 
enlistments, and placing the whole under the general 
direction of the commander of his Majesty's forces, for 
the express purpose of marching against Fort Du- 
quesne. They were divided into two regiments. The 
first was under Colonel Washington, who was likewise 
commander-in-chief of all the Virginia troops as be- 
fore. At the head of the second regiment was Colonel 
Byrd. As General Forbes was detained at Philadel- 
phia several weeks, Colonel Bouquet was stationed in 
the central parts of Penns3^1vania with the advanced 
division of regular troops, to which the provincials 
joined themselves as fast as they were ready. To fix 
on a uniform plan of action, and make the necessary- 
arrangements. Colonel Washington had an interview 
at Conococheague with that officer, and with Sir John 
St. Clair, quartermaster-general of the combined army. 
He also visited Williamsburg, to advise with the Pres- 
ident and Council respecting many essential points; 
for he was not only obliged to perform his military 
6 



82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

duties, but to suggest to the civil authorities the proper 
modes of proceeding in relation to the army, and press 
upon them continually the execution of the laws, and 
the fulfilment of the pledges contained in the recent 
acts of the Assembly. The arrival of Governor Fau- 
quier had a favorable influence, as he warmly espoused 
the interests of the colony and showed a friendly re- 
gard for the commander of its troops as well as a just 
deference to his opinions. 



^T. 26.J LIFE OF WxVSHINGTON. 83 



CHAPTER IX. 

Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland.— Acts in Concert with 
Colonel Bouquet.— Joins the main Army at Raystowu under General Forbes. 
—Forms a Plan of March suited to the Mountains and Woods.— Commands 
the advanced Division of the Army.— Capture of Fort Duquesne.— He returns 
to Virginia, resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life. 

For some time Colonel Washington was actively 
employed at Winchester, in collecting and training the 
newly enlisted men, calling in the parties from the 
small forts and supplying their places with drafted 
militia, engaging wagons and horses, and putting all 
things in readiness to march. There was much delay, 
and the soldiers began to be disorderly from inaction, 
and the inhabitants of the vicinity to murmur at the 
pressure laid upon them for provisions and other sup- 
plies. A party of Cherokee Indians, who had been 
tempted to join the expedition, with the prospect of 
rich presents from the King's stores, came forward so 
early, that they grew weary, discontented, and trouble- 
some, and finally most of them went off in a fit of ill- 
humor. 

It was a day of joy to him, therefore, when he 
received orders to march the Virginia regiments from 
Winchester to Fort Cumberland. This was effected 
b}^ detachments, which at the same time covered the 
convoys of wagons and packhorses. The whole arrived 
at Fort Cumberland early in July, except a small 
guard left at Fort Loudoun to protect and prosecute 
the works at that place. Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen 
had preceded by another route through a part of 
Pennsylvania, with six companies of the first regiment, 
and joined Colonel Bouquet at Raystown, thirty 



S4: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

miles from Fort Cumberland, and the headquarters 
of the combined army. Both regiments, including 
officers and privates, amounted to about eighteen 
hundred men. The illness of General Forbes detained 
him long on the way from Philadelphia. During this 
time Colonel Washington continued at Fort Cumber- 
land, and his troops were employed, some as scouting 
parties, and others in opening a new road to Eaystown 
and repairing the old one towards the Great Meadows. 

He resorted to an expedient, w^hich proved highly 
beneficial to the service. " My men are bare of 
regimental clothing," said he, in a letter to Colonel 
Bouquet, "and I have no prospect of a supply. So 
far from regretting this w^ant during the present 
campaign, if I were left to pursue my own inclinations, 
I would not only order the men to adopt the Indian 
dress, but cause the officers to do it also, and be the 
first to set the example myself. Nothing but the un- 
certainty of obtaining the general approbation causes 
me to hesitate a moment to leave my regimentals at 
this place, and proceed as light as any Indian in the 
woods. It is an unbecoming dress, I own ; but con- 
venience, rather than show, I think should be con- 
sulted." He equipped in an Indian dress two com- 
panies, which had been ordered to advance to the main 
body; and it was so much approved by Colonel 
Bouquet, that he encouraged the army to adopt it. 
" The dress," he replied, " takes very well here. We 
see nothing but shirts and blankets. It should be our 
pattern in this expedition." Its lightness and con- 
venience were suited to the heat of summer, and it 
saved expense and trouble. 

He had been but a few days at Fort Cumberland, 
when he learned, with great surprise, that General 
Forbes was hesitating as to the route he should pursue 
in crossing the mountains to Fort Duauesne, The 



^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 

road, over which General Bradclock marched, was the 
oDly one that had been cut through the wilderness for 
the passage of wagons and artillery ; and, as its con- 
struction had cost immense toil, it seemed incredible 
that any other route should be attempted, or even 
thought of, so late in the season. His sentiments 
being asked, he expressed them in the most unreserved 
manner, and with a cogency of argument, that could 
have been set aside only by a determination on the 
part of the general, arising from motives foreign to the 
absolute merits of the case. Colonel Bouquet, who 
participated in the general's views, desired a consulta- 
tion with "Washington on the subject. '' ]S^othing," 
said he, " can exceed you^^ generous dispositions for 
the service. I see, with the utmost satisfaction, that 
you are above the influences of prejudice, and ready to 
go heartily where reason and judgment shall direct. 
I wish sincerely that we may all entertain one and the 
same opinion ; therefore I desire to have an interview 
with you at the houses built half way between our 
camps." This proposal w^as acceded to, and the matter 
was deliberately discussed. 

It was represented by Colonel Washington, that a 
great deal of pains had been taken formerly by the 
Ohio Company, with the aid of traders and Indians, 
to ascertain the most practicable route to the western 
country ; that the one from Will's Creek was selected 
as far preferable to any other; that a road had accord- 
ingly been made, over which General Braddock's army 
had passed ; and that this road required but slight 
repairs to put it in good condition. Even if another 
route could be found, he thought the experiment a 
hazardous one at so advanced a stage in the season, as 
it would retard the operations, and, he feared, inevita- 
bly defeat the objects, of the campaign, and defer the 
capture of Fort Puquesne to another year. Such a 



86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175& ' 

result would dishearten the colonies, which had made 
extraordinary efforts to raise men and money for the 
present enterprise, with the full expectation of its 
success ; it would moreover embolden the southern 
Indians, already disaffected, who would seize the op- 
portunity to commit new hostilities, thereby distressing 
the inhabitants, strengthening the enemy, and adding 
to the difficulty of a future conquest. But, admitting 
it possible, that a new road could be made from Rays- 
town through Pennsylvania, yet no advantage could 
be derived from it, that did not actually exist in an 
equal or greater degree in Braddock's Boad. Forage 
for the horses was abundant in the meadows bordering 
the latter ; the streams Avere fordable, and the defiles 
easy to be passed. 

These reasons, so obvious and forcible, did not change 
the purpose of the general, who, it was believed, had 
been influenced by the Pennsylvanians to construct a 
new road, which avouM be a lasting benefit to that 
province, by opening a more direct channel of inter- 
course Avith the West. Colonel Bouquet, of course, 
adhered to the views of his general. 

There was another project, which Colonel Washing- 
ton disapproved, and which his advice prevailed to 
counteract. The general proposed to march the army 
in two divisions, one by Braddock's Road, the other 
directly from RaystoAvn, making the road as it ad- 
vanced. To this scheme he strenuously objected. Di- 
viding the army w^ould vreaken it, and the routes were 
so far a]3art, without any means of communication be- 
tween the two, that one division could not succor the 
other in case of an attack ; and it was certain the 
enemy would take advantage of such an oversight. 
Again, if the division marching first should escort the 
convoy and be driven back, there would be a perilous 
risk of losing the stores and artillery, and of bringing 



JET. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 

total ruin upon the expedition. In short, every mis- 
chief, that could befall a divided army, acting against 
the concentrated force of an enemy, was to be appre- 
hended. The project was laid aside. 

His opinion was likewise desired, as to the best mode 
of advancing by deposits. He made an estimate, on 
the supposition of marching by Braddock's Road, in 
which it was shown, that the whole army might be at 
Fort Duquesne in thirty-four days, and have then on 
hand a supply of provisions for eighty-seven days. 
Perceiving Colonel Bouquet's bias in favor of the gen- 
eral's ideas, he could scarcely hope his suggestions 
would be received. So strong were his fears for 
the fate of the expedition, that he wrote in mov- 
ing terms to Major Halket, his former associate in 
Braddock's army, and now one of General Forbes's 
family. 

" I am just returned," said he, " from a conference 
with Colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed, I think I 
may say unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to 
the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be 
cut at this advanced season, when we have scarce time 
left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed to 
be the best passage through the mountains. 

" If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the 
general, all is lost, — all is lost indeed, — our enterprise 
will be ruined, and we shall be stopped at the Laurel 
Hill this winter ; but not to gather laurels^ except of 
the kind that covers the mountains. The southern 
Indians will turn against us, and these colonies will be 
desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. 
These must be the consequences of a miscarriage ; and 
a miscarriage is the almost necessary consequence of an 
attempt to march the army by this new route. I have 
given my reasons at large to Colonel Bouquet. He 
desire^ t'bS'^ I woul^ 4q ^o, that he might forward 



88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

them to the general. Should this happen, you will be 
able to judge of their weight. 

" I am uninfluenced by prejudice, having no hopes 
or fears but for the general good. Of this you 
may be assured, and that my sincere sentiments are 
spoken on this occasion." 

These representations were vain. Colonel Bou- 
quet was ordered to send forward parties to work 
upon the new road. Six weeks had been expended in 
this arduous labor, when General Forbes reached the 
camp at Raystown, about the middle of September. 
Forty-five miles only had been gained by the advanced 
party, then constructing a fort at Loyal Hanna, the 
main army still being at Raystown, and the larger 
part of the Virginia troops at Fort Cumberland. At 
that moment the whole army might have been before 
the w^alls of Fort Duquesne, if they had marched as 
advised by Washington. An easy victory would have 
ensued ; for it was ascertained, that the French at that 
time, including Indians, numbered not more than 
eiffht hundred men. Under General Forbes six thou- 
sand were in the field. 

In reporting these facts to the Speaker of the Vir- 
ginia Assembly, Colonel Washington said : " See, there- 
fore, how our time has been misspent. Behold how 
the golden opportunity has been lost, perhaps never 
more to be res^ained I How is it to be accounted for ? 
Can General Forbes have orders for this? Impossible. 
Will, then, our injured country pass by such abuses ? 
I hope not. Rather let a full representation of the 
matter go to his Majesty. Let him know how grossly 
his glory and interest, and the public money, are pros- 
tituted." About this time occurred the ill concerted 
and unfortunate adventure under Major Grant, who 
was suffered to push forward to the very doors of the 
enemy a light detachment, which was attacked, cut up. 



Mt. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. g9 

and routed, and he and his principal officers were taken 
prisoners. 

These proceedings, and the counsels by which 
General Forbes seemed to be guided, were so unsatis- 
factory to the Virginia House of Burgesses, and gave 
so discouraging a presage of the future, that they re- 
solved to recall their troops, and place them on their 
own frontier. But, when it was know^n, from subse- 
quent intelligence, that the expedition w^as in progress, 
and foreseen that its failure might be ascribed to the 
withdrawing of the Virginia regiments, and perhaps 
be actually caused by such a measure, they revoked 
their resolves, and extended the term of service to the 
end of the year. 

General Forbes had no sooner taken the command 
in person at Raystown, than he called to headquarters 
Colonel Washington, who was followed by those com- 
panies of his regiments, which had been posted at 
Fort Cumberland. JSTotwithstanding the strenuous op- 
position he had manifested to the plans of operation, 
as an act of duty, w^hile they were in suspense, he sup- 
pressed his feelings and subdued his reluctance, from 
the same motive, the moment they were decided upon, 
and he then engaged heartily in promoting their ex- 
ecution. If he was mortified at the little attention 
hitherto paid to his advice, he was compensated by the 
deference now shown to his opinions and judgment. 
He attended the councils of war, and was consulted 
upon every important measure by the general, at whose 
request he drew up a line of march and order of battle, 
by which the army could advance w4th facilitj^ and 
safety through the w^oods. The fate of Braddock, and 
its causes, w^ere too deeply impressed on General 
Forbes's mind to be forgotten or disregarded. Unac- 
customed to this mode of warfare, more w^ise and less 
confident than his predecessor^ he was glad to seek th^ 



90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

aid of one, whose knowledge and experience would be 
available, where valor might waste its efforts in vain, 
and discipline and strength be ensnared by the arti- 
fices of a crafty foe. 

Several weeks previously, when the first detach- 
ments began to march, Colonel Washington requested 
to be put in the advance. Alluding to the troops 
which were to compose the first party, he wrote to 
Colonel Bouquet : " I pray your interest, most sin- 
cerely, with the general, to get myself and my regi- 
ment included in the number. If any argument is 
needed to obtain this favor, I hope without vanity I 
may be allowed to say, that, from long intimacy with 
these woods, and frequent scouting in them, my men 
are at least as well acquainted with all the passes and 
difficulties as any troops that will be employed." The 
request was now complied with. He received General 
Forbes- s orders to march with his regiment ; and at 
Loyal Hanna he was placed at the head of a division, 
or brigade amounting to one thousand men, who were 
to move in front of the main army, and to act as 
pioneers in clearing the road, keeping out scouts and 
patroling guards to prevent a surprise, and throwing 
up intrenchments at proper stations as a security to 
the deposits of provisions. While in this command, 
he had the temporar\^ rank of brigadier. 

The month of Xoveraber had set in, before General 
Forbes, with the artillery and main body of the army, 
arrived at Loyal Hanna. The road was extremely bad, 
and difficulties withoutnumber interposed at every step 
to cause delays, discouragement, and suffering. The 
season of frost had come, and the summits of the hills 
were whitened with snow. It was no wonder that the 
spirits of the soldiers should flag, scantily clothed and 
fed, as they were, and encountering hardships from 
want, exposure, and incessant labor More than fifty 



^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 

miles, through pathless and rugged wilds, still inter- 
vened between the army and Fort Duquesne. A coun- 
cil of war was held, and it was decided to be unad- 
visable, if not impracticable, to prosecute the campaign 
any further till the next season, and that a winter en- 
campment among the mountains, or a retreat to the 
frontier settlements, was the only alternative that re- 
mained. Thus far all the anticipations of "Washington 
had been realized. 

A mere accident, however, which happened just at 
this crisis, turned the scale of fortune, and brought 
hope out of despair. Three prisoners were taken, who 
gave such a report of the w'eak state of the garrison at 
Fort Duquesne, that the council reversed their decision, 
and resolved to hazard an effort, which held out a possi- 
bility of success, and in an}^ event could be scarcely 
more ruinous than the alternative first proposed. 
Henceforward the march was pursued without tents 
or heavy baggage, and w^ith only a light train of ar- 
tillery. The troops, animated by the example of the 
officers, performed their tasks with renovated ardor 
and alacrity. Washington resumed his command in 
front, attending personally to the cutting of the road, 
establishing deposits of provisions, and preparing the 
way for the main army. 

No material event occurred till the 25th of Novem- 
ber, when General Forbes took possession of Fort 
Duquesne, or rather the place where it had stood. 
The enemy, reduced in number to about five hundred 
men, and deserted by the Indians, had abandoned the 
fort the day before, set fire to it, and gone down the 
Ohio in boats. Thus ended an expedition, in w^hich 
more than six thousand men had been employed for 
five months. Eejoiced that their toils were over, the 
troops forgot their sufferings ; and the people of the 
middle provinces, who had murmured loudly at the 



92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

dilatory manner in which the campaign had been car- 
ried on, were contented with the issue in this consum- 
mation of their wishes. The continued illness of 
General Forbes had perhaps operated unfavorably. 
He was esteemed a worthy and brave man, possessing 
eminent military talents. Worn down with infirmities, 
which had been increased by the fatigues of the cam- 
paign, he died a few weeks afterwards at Philadelphia. 

The lateness of the season rendered it impossible, 
that the French should attempt to recover the ground 
they had lost before the next year. It was necessary, 
however, that a small garrison should be left there, as 
well to retain possession of the post, as to keep the 
Indians in check and win their alliance. Two hundred 
of the Yirginia troops were detached for this service, 
b}^ the express order of the general, but against the 
remonstrances of their commander, who thought they 
had performed their full share of duty. General 
Forbes said he had no authority to leave any of the 
King's forces for that purpose, and the place was then 
understood to be within the jurisdiction of Yirginia. 
This latter circumstance was probably the reason, why 
the task of defense was not assigned to the Pennsyl- 
vanians. The French name of the fort was changed 
to Fort Pitt^ in honor of the minister b}^ whose coun- 
sels the expedition for capturing it had been undertaken. 

On his return. Colonel Washington stopped a short 
time at Loyal Hanna, where he wrote a circular letter 
to the frontier inhabitants, requesting them to take 
out provisions to the men at the fort, who would be 
in great distress if not immediately supplied, and 
promising a liberal compensation for everything that 
should thus be furnished. He then proceeded by way 
of Mount Yernon to Williamsburg. The remainder of 
his troops marched to Winchester, where they went 
into winter quarters. 



^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 

For some months it had been his determination, if 
this campaign should prove successful, to retire from 
his command at its close. By gaining possession of 
the Ohio, the great object of the war in the middle 
colonies was accoraplisbed ; and, as he had abandoned 
the idea of making any further attempts to be united 
to the British establishment, there was no prospect of 
rising higher in the military line ; so that neither his 
duty as a citizen, nor his ambition as a soldier, operated 
any longer to retain him in the service. The one had 
been faithfully discharged, the other had yielded to 
the force of circumstances, and to the visions of the 
tranquil enjoyments of private life, which now opened 
upon his mind. After settling all his public accounts, 
therefore, he resigned his commission the last week in 
December, having been actively and almost uninter- 
ruptedly engaged in the service of his country more 
than G.Ye years. 

On this occasion he received from the officers, who 
had served under him, a testimony of their attachment, 
which must have been as grateful to his feelings, as it 
was honorable to his character. They sent him an 
address, written in camp, expressive of the satisfaction 
they had derived from his conduct as commander, the 
sincerity of his friendship, and his affable demeanor ; 
and of the high opinion they entertained of his military 
talents, patriotism, and private virtues. 

The events of this w^ar had a more important 
influence on the life and character of Washington, 
than might at first be supposed. They proved to him 
and to the world his mental resources, courage, 
fortitude, and power over the will and actions of 
others. They were in fact a school of practical 
knowledge and discipline, qualifying him for the great 
work in which he was to be engaged at a future day. 
The duties of his station at the head of the Yirginia 



94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. 

troops, and the difficulties he had to contend with during 
an active warfare of five years, bore a strong resem- 
blance to those, that devolved on him as Commander- 
in-chief of the American armies in the Revolution. 
They differed in magnitude, and in the ends to be 
attained ; but it will be seen, as we proceed, that they 
were analogous in many striking particulars, and that 
the former were an essential preparation for the latter. 




£,.^,.^>s^-^^^.^^^■ -^...-»a£^^;<^«^^.fe^r. 



MARTHA WASHINGTON. 



^®r. 36.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 



CHAPTEK X. 

Washington's Marriage.— For many Years a Member of the x^irginia House of 
Burgesses.— His Pursuits and Habits as a Planter.— A Vestryman in tlie 
Church, and active in Parish Affairs.— His Opinion of the Stamp Act.— 
Takes an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by the 
British Government towards the Colonies.— Approves the Non-importation 
Agreements. 

In the course of the preceding year, Colonel Wash, 
ington had paid his addresses successfully to Mrs.. 
Martha Custis, to whom he was married on the 6th of 
January, 1759. This lady was three months younger 
than himself, widow of John Parke Custis, and 
distinguished alike for her beauty, accomplishments, 
and wealth. She was the daughter of John Dandridge. 
At the time of her second marriage she had two 
children, a son and daughter, the former six years old, 
the latter four. Mr. Custis had left large landed estates 
in JSTew Kent County, and forty-five thousand pounds 
sterling in mone}^ One-third part of this property 
she held in her own right, the other two-thirds being 
equally divided between her children. 

By this marriage an accession of more than one 
hundred thousand dollars was made to Colonel Wash- 
ington's fortune, which was already considerable in 
the estate at Mount Yernon, and other lands which he 
had selected during his surveying expeditions and 
obtained at different times. To the management of 
his extensive private affairs his thoughts were now 
turned. He also took upon himself the guardianship 
of Mrs. Washington's two children, and the care of 
their property, which trust he discharged with all the 
faithfulness and assiduity of a father, till the son 



96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1759. 

became of age, and till the daughter died in her nine- 
teenth year. This union was in every respect felicitous. 
It continued forty years. To her intimate acquaint- 
ances and to the nation, the character of Mrs. Wash- 
ington was ever a theme of praise. Affable and 
courteous, exemplary in her deportment, remarkable 
for her deeds of charity and piety, unostentatious and 
without vanity, she adorned by her domestic virtues 
the sphere of private life, and filled with dignity every 
station in which she w^as placed. 

While engaged in the last campaign. Colonel Wash- 
ington had been elected a representative to the House 
of Burgesses, in Virginia, from Frederic County. 
Having determined to quit the military life, and 
being yet inclined to serve his country in a civil 
capacity, this choice of the people w^as peculiarly 
gratifying to him. As this was the first time he had 
been proposed for the popular suffrages, his friends 
urged him to leave the army for a few days, and 
repair to Winchester, where the election was to be 
held. But, regarding his duties in the field as out- 
weighing every other consideration, he remained at 
his post, and the election was carried without his 
personal solicitation or influence. There were four 
candidates, and he was chosen by a large majority 
over all his competitors. The success was beyond his 
most sanguine anticipations. 

He did not establish himself at Mount Yernon till 
three months after his marriage, but continued at 
Williamsburg, or in the vicinity of that place, probably 
arranging the affairs of Mrs. Washington's estate. At 
the same time there was a session of the House of 
Burgesses, which he attended. It was during this 
session, that an incident occurred, which has been 
graphically described by Mr. Wirt. " By a vote of 
the House, the Speaker, Mr. Kobinson, was directed 



^T. 27.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOISr. 9^ 

to return their thanks to Colonel Washington, on 
behalf of the colon}^ for the distinguished military 
services which he had rendered to his country. As 
soon as Colonel Washington took his seat, Mr. Kobin- 
son, in obedience to this order, and following the 
impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, 
discharged the duty with great dignity, but w^ith such 
warmth of coloring and strength of expression, as 
entirely confounded the young hero. He rose to 
express his acknowledgments for the honor ; but such 
was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not 
give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, 
stammered, and trembled for a second ; w^hen the 
Speaker relieved him by a stroke of address, that 
would have done honor to Louis the Fourteenth in his 
proudest and happiest moment. * Sit down, Mr. 
Washington,' said he, with a conciliating smile ; * your 
modesty equals your valor ; and that surpasses the 
power of any language that I possess.' " * 

From this time till the beginning of the Revolution, 
a period of fifteen years, Washington was constantly 
a member of the House of Burgesses, being returned 
by a large majority of votes at every election. For 
seven years he represented, jointly v^^ith another 
delegate, the County of Frederic, and afterwards the 
County of Fairfax, in which he resided. There were 
commonly two sessions in a year, and sometimes three. 
It appears, from a record left in his handwriting, that 
he gave his attendance punctually, and from the 
beginning to the end of almost every session. It was 
a maxim with him through life, to execute punctually 
and thoroughly every charge which he undertook. 

His influence in public bodies was produced more by 
the soundness of his judgment, his quick perceptions, 
and his directness and undeviating sincerity, than by 

* Life of Patrick Henry, &1 edition, p. 45. 



98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759—1764. 

eloquence or art in recommending his opinions. He 
seldom spoke, never harangued, and it is not known 
that he ever made a set speech, or entered into a 
stormy debate. But his attention was at all times 
awake. He studied profoundly the pi'ominent topics 
of discussion, and, whenever occasion required, was 
prepared to deliver his sentiments clearly, and to act 
with decision and firmness. 

After suitable preparations had been made, he retired 
with Mrs. Washington to the charming retreat at 
Mount Yernon, resolved to devote his remaining years 
to the pursuit of agriculture, with no higher aims than 
to increase his fortune, cultivate the social virtues, 
fulfil his duties as a citizen, and sustain in its elevated 
dignity and worth the character of a country gentle- 
man. For this sphere he was extremely well fitted, 
both by his tastes and his habits of business. In all 
the scenes of his public career, even when his renown 
was the highest, and he w^as the most actively engaged 
in great affairs, there was no subject upon which his 
mind dwelt with so lively an interest and pleasure as 
on that of agriculture. Nor was there ever a moment, 
when his thoughts would not recur to his tranquil 
home at Mount Yernon, as the seat of his purest 
happiness, or when he would not have returned to it 
with unfeigned delight. 

The occupation of a Yirginia planter before the 
Kevolution afforded little variety of incidents. Few 
modes of existence could be more monotonous. The 
staple product, particularly in the lower counties, was 
tobacco, to the culture of which Washington chiefly 
directed his care. This he exported to London for a 
market, making the shipments in his own name, and 
putting the tobacco on board vessels, which came up 
the Potomac Kiver to his mansion at Mount Yernon, 
or to such other points as were most convenient. He 



-^T. 27-82.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 

had also correspondents in Bristol and Liverpool, to 
whom he sometimes consigned tobacco. 

In those days, it was the practise of the Virginia 
planters to import directly from London all the articles 
of common use. Twice a year Washington forwarded 
lists of such articles to his agent, comprising not only 
the necessaries and conveniences for household purposes, 
plows, hoes, spades, scythes, and other implements 
of agriculture, saddles, bridles, and harness for his 
horses, but likewise every article of wearing apparel 
for himself and the different members of his family, 
specifying the names of each, and the ages of Mrs. 
"Washington's two children, as well as the size, descrip- 
tion, and quality of the several articles. He required 
his agent to send him, in addition to a general bill of 
the whole, the original vouchers of the shopkeepers and 
mechanics, from whom purchases had been made. So 
particular was he in these concerns, that for many 
years he recorded with his own hand, in books prepared 
for the purpose, all the long lists of orders, and copies 
of the multifarious recei})ts from the different mer- 
chants and tradesmen, who had supplied the goods. 
In this way he kept a perfect oversight of the business, 
ascertained the prices, could detect any imposition, 
mismanagement, or carelessness, and tell when any 
advantage w^as taken of him even in the smallest 
matter, of which, Avhen discovered, he did not fail 
to remind his correspondents the next time he 
wrote. 

During the whole of this period, in short, his industry 
was equal to his enterprise in business. His daybooks, 
ledgers, and letter-books were all kept by himself ; nor 
does it appear, that he w^as in the habit, on any oc- 
casion, of resorting to the aid of a clerk or secretary. 
He usually drew up his contracts^ deeds, and other 
papers, requiring legal knowledge and accuracy, It 

L.cfC, 



100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759-1764, 

was a rule with him, in private as well as public trans- 
actions, not to rely on others for what he could do 
himself. 

Although his pursuits were those of a retired farmer, 
yet he was b}^ no means secluded from social inter- 
course Avith persons of intelligence and refinement. 
During the periods of his attending the House of Bur- 
gesses at Williamsburg, he met on terms of intimacy 
the eminent men of Virginia, who, in imitation of the 
governors (sometimes noblemen, and alwa3^s from the 
higher ranks of English society), lived in a style of 
magnificence, which has long smce passed away, and 
given place to the republican simplicity of modern 
times. He was a frequent visitor at Annapolis, the 
seat of government in Maryland, renowned as the re- 
sort of the polite, wealthy, and fashionable. At Mount 
Yernon he returned the civilities he had received, and 
practised, on a large and generous scale, the hospitality 
for which the southern planters have ever been dis- 
tinguished. When he was at home, a day seldom 
passed without the company of friends or strangers at 
his house. In his diaries tlie names of these visitors 
are often mentioned, and we find among them the gov- 
ernors of Virginia and Maryland, and nearly all the 
celebrated men of the southern and middle colonies, 
who were at that time and afterwards conspicuous in 
the history of the country. 

One of his nearest neighbors was George Mason, of 
Gunston Hall, a man possessing remarkable intellectual 
powers, deeply conversant with political science, and 
thoroughly versed in the topics of dispute then existing 
between England and America. Lord Fairfax was 
also a constant guest at Mount Yernon, who, although 
eccentric in his habits, possessed a cultivated mind, 
social qualities, and a perfect knowledge of the world. 
To these may be added a large circle of relatiyes and 



^T. 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 

acquaintances, who sought his society, and to whom 
his house was always open. 

Washington had a relish for amusements. In his 
earlier years, as we have seen, he was fond of athletic 
sports, and feats of agility and strength. When he 
was at Williamsburg or Annapolis, he commonly 
attended the theatrical exhibitions, such as were pre- 
sented on the ximerican boards at that day. But his 
chief diversion was the chase. At the proper season, it 
was not unusual for him to go out two or three times 
m a week Avith horses, dogs, and horns, in pursuit of 
foxes, accompanied by a small party of gentlemen, 
either his neighbors, or such visitors as happened to 
be at Mount Yernon. If Ave may judge by his own 
account, however, he could seldom boast of brilliant 
success in these excursions. He Avas not disheartened 
by disappointment; and when the foxes eluded his 
pursuit, he consoled himself with the reflection, that 
the main end in view, excitement and recreation, had 
been gained. 

Another favorite exercise Avas fowling. His youth 
f ul rambles in the AA^oods, on his surveying expeditions, 
had made him familiar Avith the use of his gun. Game 
of various kinds abounded on his plantations, partic- 
ularly the species of Avild duck, Avhich at certain sea- 
sons resorts in great numbers to the Avaters of the 
Chesapeake, and is so much esteemed for its superior 
quality. He Avas expert in the art of duck-shooting, 
and often practised it. 

Connected with this subject, an anecdote is related 
of him, illustrative of his resolution and courage. A 
person of laAvless habits and reckless character had 
frequently entered upon the grounds near Mount Yer- 
non, and shot ducks and other game. More than once 
he had been warned to desist, and not to return. It 
was his custopi to cross the Potomac in a omo^^ 9nd 



102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1765. 

ascend the creeks to some obscure place, where he 
could be concealed from observation. One day, hear- 
ing the discharge of a musket, Washington mounted 
his horse, and rode in the direction of the sound. The 
intruder discovered his approach, and had just time to 
gain the canoe and push it from the shore, Avhen Wash- 
ino'ton emero:ed from the bushes at the distance of a 
few yards. The man raised his gun, cocked it, pointed 
it at him, and took deliberate aim ; but, without a mo- 
ment's hesitation, he rode into the water, seized the 
prow of the canoe, drew it to land, disarmed his antag- 
onist, and inflicted on him a chastisement, which he 
never again chose to run the hazard of encountering. 

But neither his private occupations, nor his impor- 
tant duties as one of the legislators of the province, 
prevented Washington from taking an active part in 
many concerns of less moment, wherein he could be 
useful to his friends or the community. He assumed 
trusts at the solicitation of others, which sometimes 
involved much labor and i-esponsibility, and in which 
he had no personal interest ; and cheerfully rendered 
his services as an arbitrator in settling disputes. Such 
was the confidence in his candor and judgment, and 
such his known desire to promote peace and concord, 
that he was often called upon to perform offices of this 
kind ; and it was rare that his decision was unsatis- 
factory ; for, however the parties might differ in 
opinion, they were persuaded that their cause could 
not be submitted to a more impartial or competent 
judge. 

His usefulness extended to every object vv-ithin the 
sphere of his influence. In the affairs of Truro Parish, 
to which Mount Yernon belonged, he took a lively 
concern and exercised a salutary control. He was a 
vestryman of that parish. On one occasion he gained 
a triumph of some moment, which Mr. Massey, the 



^T. 33.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 

clergyman, who lived to an advanced age, used to 
mention as as instance of bis address. The old church 
was falling to ruin, and it was resolved that another 
should be built. Several meetings were held, and a 
warm dispute arose respecting its location, the old one 
being remote from the center, and inconveniently- 
situated for many of the parishioners. A meeting for 
settling the question was finally held. George Mason, 
who led the party that adhered to the ancient site, 
made an eloquent harangue, in Avhich he appealed with 
great effect to the sensibilities of the people, conjuring 
them not to desert the spot consecrated by the bones 
of their ancestors and the most hallowed associations. 
Mr. Massey said every one present seemed moved by 
this discourse, and, for the moment, he thought there 
would not be a dissenting voice. Washington then 
rose and drew from his pocket a roll of paper, con- 
taining an exact survey of Truro Parish, on which was 
marked the site of the old church, the proposed site of 
the new one, and the place where each parishioner 
resided. He spread this map before the audience, ex- 
plained it in a few words, and then added, that it was 
for them to determine, whether they would be carried 
away by an impulse of feeling, or act upon the obvi- 
ous principles of reason and justice. The argument, 
thus confirmed by ocular demonstration, was conclu- 
sive, and the church was erected on the new site. 

At the close of the French war, he had an arduous 
service to perform, as one of the commissioners for 
settling the military accounts of the colony, which 
were complicated and of large extent. His intimate 
knowledge of the subject, and the sympathy he felt 
for his companions-in-arms, and all who had aided the 
cause of their country, were motives for throwing this 
task chiefly upon him, and he executed it faithfully. 

British writers have asserted, and perhaps believed, 



104: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1767. 

that "Washington's sentiments did not harmonize with 
those of the leaders, who resisted the aggressions of 
the mother country at the beginning of the great 
struggle for independence, and that he was brought 
tardily into the measures of opposition. This opinion 
probably arose from the circumstance of his name not 
being mentioned among the conspicuous actors, and 
was strengthened by the spurious letters ascribed to 
him in the first part of the war, of which more will be 
said hereafter. These letters were first published in 
England, and so artfully written, that they might 
easily mislead those, Avho were willing to be deceived 
on the side of their prejudices and wishes. It is never- 
theless true, that no man in America took a more early, 
open, and decided part in asserting and defending the 
rights of the colonies, and opposing the pretensions 
set up by the British government. In the Virginia 
legislature he went heart and hand with Henry, Ean- 
dolph, Lee, Wythe, and the other prominent leaders 
of the time. His opinions and principles were con- 
sistent throughout. That he looked for a conciliation, 
till the convening of the first Congress, and perhaps 
till the petition of that Congress had been rejected by 
the King, there is no doubt ; and so did Franklin, Jay, 
Jefferson, John Adams, and probably all the other 
master spirits, who gave the tone to public sentiment 
and action. 

His disapprobation of the Stamp Act was expressed 
in unqualified terms. He spoke of it, in a letter writ- 
ten at the time, as an " unconstitutional method of 
taxation," and " a direful attack on the liberties of the 
colonists." And subsequently he said, " The repeal of 
the Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought much 
to be rejoiced at ; for, had the Parliament of Great 
Britain resolved upon enforcing it, the consequences, 
I conceive, would have been more direful than is gen- 



Mt. 35.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 

erally apprehended, both to the mother country and her 
colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in 
procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of 
every British subject, and have mine cordially." He 
was present in the Virginia legislature, when Patrick 
Henry offered his celebrated resolutions on this subject. 
I have found no record of his vote ; but it may be pre- 
sumed, from his well-known sentiments, and from his 
frankness in avowing them, that he stood in the ranks 
of the patriotic party, to which he ever afterwards 
rendered his most zealous support. 



106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1769. 



CHAPTEE XL 

Joins heartily In all the Measures of Opposition.— His Services in procuring 
the Lands promised to the Officers and Soldiers in the French War. — Per- 
forms a Tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting 
those Lands.— Takes an active Part at different Times in the Proceedings of 
the Virginia Legislature in defending the Ptights of the Colonies. — His Opin- 
ions on this Subject. — Chosen to command several Independent Companies 
of 3Iilitia.— A Delegate to the first and second Virginia Conventions. — A 
Member of the Continental Congress. 

The spirit of discontent and opposition diffused it- 
self rapidly in all the provinces. In the month of 
April, 1769, just before the assembling of the Yir- 
gioia legislature, Colonel Washington received sundry 
papers, containing the resolves and proceedings of the 
merchants of Philadelphia, These papers he com- 
municated to his neighbor and friend, George Mason, 
accompanied by a letter, in which he declared his own 
opinions in a tone of energy and decision, that could 
leave no room to doubt, as to his sense of the matter, 
and the ground he was prepared to take. 

*' At a time," said he, " when our lordly masters in 
Great Britain will be satisfied wdth nothing less than 
the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly 
necessary that something should be done to avert the 
stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have de- 
rived from our ancestors. But the manner of doing 
it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in 
question. 

" That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, 
to use arms in defense of so valuable a blessing, is 
clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I would beg leave to 
add, should be the last resource, the dernier ressort. 
We have already, it is said, proved the inefRcacy of 
addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to Parlia- 



Mt. 37.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 107 

ment. How far, then, their attention to our rights 
and privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, by starv- 
ing their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried. 

" The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring 
to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, 
and must be attended with salutary effects, provided 
it can be carried pretty generally into execution." 

These sentiments were cordially reciprocated by Mr. 
Mason, who agreed that steps ought immediately to be 
taken to bring about a concert of action between Vir- 
ginia and the northern colonies. This gentleman, who 
afterwards drafted the first constitution of Virginia, 
and was a skilful writer, drew up a series of articles 
in the form of an Association. The Burgesses met in 
May, and, as Mr. Mason was not then one of their 
number, "Washington took charge of the paper, with 
the view of laying it before the Assembly. As soon 
as the Burgesses had come together, and gone through 
with the forms of opening the session, they proceeded 
to consider the late doings of Parliament, and passed 
several bold and pointed resolves, denying the au- 
thority of Parliament to impose taxes and enact laws 
hostile to the ancient liberties of the colonists. The 
governor. Lord Botetourt, deservedly popular for his 
amiable manners and the real interest he felt in the 
Avelfare of the people, and at heart opposed to the 
ministerial pretensions, could not, in justice to his 
sovereign and the trust reposed in him, silently witness 
these symptoms of disaffection and disobedience. He 
went the next day to the Capitol, summoned the Bur- 
gesses to meet him in the council chamber, and there 
dissolved the Assembly. JSTot intimidated by this 
exercise of the prerogative, although a virtual repri- 
mand, they forthwith repaired in a body to a private 
house, and unanimously adopted the non-importation 
agreement, which had been prepared by George 



108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. 

Mason, and presented by Washington. Every member 
subscribed his name to it, and it was then printed 
and dispersed in the country for the signatures of the 
people. 

AVashington was scrupulous in observing this agree- 
ment ; and, when he sent his customary annual orders 
to London for goods to be used in his family, he strictly 
enjoined his correspondents to forward none of the 
enumerated articles, unless the offensive acts of Parlia- 
ment should in the meantime be repealed. 

In the midst of his public engagements, another affair, 
extremely vexatious in its details, employed much of 
his attention. The claims of the officers and soldiers 
to lands, granted by Governor Dinwiddle as a reward 
for their services at the beginning of the French war, 
met with innumerable obstacles for a long time, first 
from the ministry in England, and next from the au- 
thorities in Virginia. By his unwearied exertions, 
however, and by these alone, and mostly at his own 
expense, the matter was at last adjusted. Nor did he 
remit his efforts, till every officer and private soldier 
had received his due proportion. Where deaths had 
occurred, the heirs were sought out, and their claims 
verified and allowed. Even Yanbraam, who was be- 
lieved to have deceived him at the capitulation of the 
Great Meadows, and who went as a hostage to Canada, 
thence to England, and never returned to America, was 
not forgotten in the distribution. His share was re- 
served, and he was informed that it was at his disposal. 

While this business was in progress, Washington 
resolved to visit the western lands in person, and select 
for the surveys such tracts as would have an intrinsic 
value, both in regard to their location and quality. 
This was the more important, as it was necessary to 
take the land in large tracts, and then divide it ac* 
cording to a prescribed ratio. 



^T. 37.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 

In the autumn of 17T0, accompanied by his friend, 
Dr. Craik, who had been his companion-in-arms at the 
battles of the Great Meadows and of the Monongahela, 
he performed a tour of nine weeks for this purpose. 
Proceeding to Pittsburg on horseback, he there em- 
barked in a canoe, and descended the Ohio River to 
the Great Kenhawa, a distance of two hundred and 
sixty -five miles. 

At that time there were no inhabitants on the Ohio 
below Pittsburg, except the natives of the forest. A 
few traders had wandered into those regions, and land 
speculators had sent out emissaries to explore the 
country, but no permanent settlements had been formed. 
He was attended down the river by William Craw^ford, 
a person accustomed to the woods, and a part of the 
way by Colonel Croghan, distinguished for his knowl- 
edge of Indian affairs. The voyage was fatiguing and 
somewhat hazardous, as they w^ere exposed without 
shelter to the inclemency of the w- eather, and no one 
of the party was experienced in the navigation of the 
stream. At night they landed and encamped. Oc- 
casionally they walked through the woods, leaving the 
canoe in charge of the oarsmen. They w^ere thus en- 
abled to inspect the lands, and form a judgment of the 
soil. "Washington was also gratified to meet several 
of his former Indian friends, who, hearing of his journey, 
came to see him at different places. Among others, he 
recognized a chief, who had gone with him to the fort 
on French Creek, sixteen years before. They all 
greeted him with much ceremonious respect, making 
speeches according to their manner, welcoming him to 
their country, exhibiting their usual tokens of friend- 
ship and hospitality, and expressing a desire to main- 
tain a pacific intercourse with their white neighbors of 
Yirmnia. 

Aiter arriving at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, 



110 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1771. 

he ascended that river about fourteen miles, and ex- 
amined the lands in the vicinity. He had an oppor- 
tunity, likewise, to practise his favorite amusement of 
hunting. Buffaloes, deer, turkeys, ducks, and other 
wild game, were found in great abundance. Pleased 
with the situation, aspect, and resources of the country, 
he selected various tracts of land, which were ultimately 
surveyed and appropriated to fulfil the ]^ledges to the 
army. Having accomplished his object, he returned up 
the Ohio, and thence to Mount Yernon. 

Some months afterwards he assented to a proposal 
from Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, to join him 
in an excursion to the western country, and the prep- 
arations were partly made ; but family afflictions oc- 
curring at the time, in the death of Mrs. Washington's 
only daughter, prevented him from executing the 
design. 

The crisis was now approaching, which was to call 
AVashington from his retreat, and to engage him in the 
widest sphere of public action. The complaints, re- 
monstrances, and lofty spirit of the colonists had 
wrought no other impression on the British ministry, 
than to confirm them in their delusions, and stimulate 
them to new acts of encroachment and severity, mis- 
taking the calls of justice for the clamor of factious 
discontent, and eager to complete by the arm of power 
the work, which they had begun with rashness and 
pursued with obstinacy. Although apparently shrouded 
in theshadesof Mount Yernon, Washington was a close 
observer of every movement, and perfectly master of 
the history and principles of the controversy. As- 
sociating, as he did, with the eminent men of his day, 
and exercising without intermission the civil functions 
of a legislator, every topic had been brought under his 
notice and minutely examined. We have seen the part 
he had already acted ; and, such were his caution, the 



^T. 41.] LIFE OF WASHmGTON. HI 

rectitude of his motives, his power of discrimination, 
and his unerring judgment, that he Tvas never known 
to desert a cause he had once embraced, or change an 
opinion, which, from a full knowledge of facts, he had 
deliberately formed. 

The dissolution of the Assembly by Lord Botetourt 
had no other effect than to elicit a signal proof of the 
sentiments of tlie people, and their acquiescence in the 
acts of their representatives. At the new election 
every member was returned, who had sat in the 
former Assembly. In the meantime Lord Botetourt 
died, and the Earl of Dunmore succeeded him as 
governor of Yirginia. The temper shown by the Bur- 
gesses, at their first meeting after he took possession 
of the government, Avas not such as to make him desir- 
ous of their aid, so long as he could dispense with it, 
and he prorogued them by proclamations from time to 
time till the 4th of March, 1773. This Assembly is 
memorable for having brought forward the resolves, 
instituting a Committee of Correspondence, and recom- 
mending the same to the legislatures of the other col- 
onies, thereby establishing channels of intelligence and 
a bond of union, which proved of the utmost impor- 
tance to the general cause. Washington was present, 
and gave his hearty support to these resolves. 

The next session, which took place in May, 1774, 
was productive of still more decisive measures. Soon 
after the members had come together, news reached 
Williamsburg of the act of Parliament for shutting up 
the port of J>oston, and inflicting other disabilities on 
the inhabitants of that town, which was to take effect 
on the 1st of June. The sympathy and patriotic feel- 
ings of the Burgesses were strongly excited ; and they 
forthwith passed an order, deprecating this ministerial 
procedure, as a hostile invasion, and setting apart the 
1st of June to be observed " as a day of fasting, hu- 



112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. 

miliation, and prayer, to implore the Divine interpo- 
sition for averting the heavy calamity, which threatened 
destruction to their civil rights and the evils of civil 
war, and to give them one heart and one mind firmly 
to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury 
to American rights." The governor was alarmed at 
these symptoms, and dissolved the House the next 
morning. 

ISTot to be diverted from their purpose, however, the 
delegates repaired immediately to the Ealeigh Tavern, 
eighty-nine in number, organized themselves into a 
committee, and drew up and signed an Association, in 
which, after expressing in strong language their dis- 
satisfaction with the late doings of the British Parlia- 
ment, and their opinion that the vital interests of all 
the colonies w^ere equally concerned, they advised the 
Committee of Correspondence to communicate with 
the Committees of the other colonies, on the expedi- 
ency of appointing deputies to meet in a general con- 
gress. Although the idea of a congress was in the 
minds of many persons throughout the continent, had 
been suggested by Franklin the year before, and pro- 
posed in town meetings at Boston and ]N"ew York, yet 
this was the first public assembly by which it was 
formall}^ recommended. As the governor had dis- 
solved the legislature, and no other business seemed 
necessary to be done, many of the delegates returned 
to their homes. Such as stayed behind, attended the 
religious services on the day appointed for the fast. 
Washington writes in his Diary, that he " went to 
church, and fasted all day." 

While they were waiting to perform this duty, let- 
ters were received from Boston, giving an account of 
a town meeting in that place, and a resolution to call 
on the inhabitants of the colonies generally to enter 
into an agreement, that they would hold no further 



;Et. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 

commercial intercourse with Great Britain, either bj 
imports or exports. Twenty -five of the late delegates 
were still in Williamsburg, among whom was Wash- 
ington ; and, on the 29th of May, they met to consider 
the subject. On one essential point they differed in 
opinion ; and, as their number was small, they thought 
it not proper to determine upon any public act, which 
should go abroad as the presumed sense of the colony. 
They did no more, therefore, than state the matter 
clearly in a circular letter, and recommend a meeting of 
deputies at "Williamsburg on the 1st of August, for the 
purpose of a more full and deliberate discussion. The 
circular was printed, and distributed in the several 
counties. 

The members, who dissented from the proposition 
in its comprehensive form, were not satisfied as to the 
prohibition of exports. All agreed, that the non-im- 
portation compact should be strictly adhered to, and 
even enlarged, so as to include every article except 
such as were indispensable for common use, and could 
be obtained only from Great Britain. Exports stood 
on a different footing. Large debts were due to mer- 
chants in England, Avhich could be paid in no other 
way than by exporting produce from the colonies. To 
withhold this produce was in effect a refusal to pay a 
just debt. Washington was strenuous on this head, 
and insisted that, whatever might be done prospect- 
ively, honor and justice required a faithful discharge 
of all obligations previously contracted. The reply 
was, that the colonists, after all, were the greatest 
sufferers, that the English merchants could not expect 
an exemption from the calamities brought upon the 
nation by the weakness or wickedness of their rulers, 
and that the debts would in the end be paid. He was 
not convinced by this reasoning. At any rate, he was 
not willing to make it the basis of action, till other 



114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1774. 

less objectionable methods should be found unavail- 
ing. 

In conformity to the advice of the circular letter, 
meetings were held in the several counties, resolutions 
were adopted, and delegates appointed to meet in con- 
vention at Williamsburg on the 1st of August. In 
Fairfax County, Washington presided as chairman of 
the meetings, and was one of the committee to prepare 
a series of resolves expressive of the sense of the people. 
The resolves themselves, twenty-four in all, were 
drafted by George Mason ; and they constitute one of 
the ablest and most luminous expositions of the points 
at issue between Great Britain and the colonies, which 
are to be found among the public documents of that 
period. Embracing the great principles and facts, 
clothed in a nervous and appropriate style, they are 
equally marked with dignity, firmness, intelligence, 
and wisdom. They are moreover of special interest 
as containing the opinions of Washington at a critical 
time, when he was soon to be raised by his country- 
mento a station of the highest trust and responsi- 
bility„ 

Tho Convention met at Williamsburg on the day 
proposed. Washington Wiis a member from Fairfax 
County. One of the principal acts of this Convention 
Avas to adopt a new Association, more extensive in its 
prohibitions than the former, and fixing on certain 
times when all further intercourse with British mer- 
chants, both by imports and exports, was to be sus- 
pended, unless the offensive acts of Parliament should 
previously be repealed. In its general features, this 
Association was nearly the same as the Fairfax County 
Eesolves. After sitting six days, appointing Peyton 
Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, 
Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, 
and Edmund Pendleton delegates to the general Con- 



JET. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 

gress, and furnishing them with instructions, the Con- 
vention dissolved. 

The day appointed throughout the colonies for the 
meeting of the first Congress, at Philadelphia, was the 
5th of September. Two of Washington's associates, 
Mr. Henry and Mr. Pendleton, stopped on their way 
at Mount Yernon, whence they all pursued their 
journey together, and were present at the opening of 
the Congress. The proceedings of this assembly need 
not here be recounted. As the debates were never made 
public, the part performed by each individual cannot 
now be known. It has only been ascertained, that 
Dickinson drafted the petition to the King and the 
address to the inhabitants of Quebec, Jay the address 
to the people of Great Britain, and Lee the memorial 
to the inhabitants of the British colonies ; state papers 
of great historical value, which extorted a eulogy from 
Chatham, and which will ever be regarded as among 
the ablest specimens of practical talent and political 
wisdom. 

Mr. Wirt relates an anecdote of Washington, which 
shows in what estimation he was held by the mem- 
bers of the first Congress. Soon after Patrick Henry 
returned home, being asked " whom he thought the 
greatest man in Congress," he replied, '* If you speak 
of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina is by 
far the greatest orator ; but, if you speak of solid in- 
formation and sound judgment, Colonel Washington 
is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." * 
This opinion was verified by every act of his life. His 
knowledge, on the subjects to which he gave his at- 
tention, was most thorough and exact ; and aU the 
world has agreed, that no other man has given such 
proofs of the soundness of his judgment. 

The business of the Congress being over, Washington 

* Life of Patrick Henry, 3d edition, p. 113. 



116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

went back to the occupations of his farm. Little 
leisure Avas left him, however, for these favorite pur- 
suits. It had long been a custom in Virginia to form 
independent companies for military discipline. These 
companies chose their own officers, adopted uniforms, 
and provided themselves with colors, arms, and drums, 
but were governed by the general regulations of the 
militia laws. Companies of this description had re- 
cently been encouraged by Governor Dunmore, who 
had an Indian war upon his hands, and was fitting out 
a formidable expedition to the West. 

Their martial spirit was quickened, when it was per- 
ceived that their services might be wanted in a cause 
of vastly greater moment. As the first military char- 
acter in the province. Colonel Washington was much 
consulted by the officers, and his counsels were im- 
plicitly followed. He had hardly returned from the 
Congress, when he was solicited by the independent 
company of Prince William County to take command 
of them as field-officer. Other companies tendered 
him the same honor ; and it seemed to be the unani- 
mous expectation of the people, that, in the event of 
a war, he would be placed at the head of the Virginia 
forces. He yielded to the solicitations of the com- 
panies, reviewed them at the different points of ren- 
dezvous, animated them by his example; and his 
advice and instructions were received by them as 
orders, which they were bound to obey. 

The second Virginia Convention met at Richmond 
on the 20th of March, 1775. Washington attended as 
a delegate. The proceedings of the general Congress 
were first taken up, examined, discussed, and ap- 
proved. Patrick Henry then introduced resolutions 
to establish a more efficient system of embodying, 
arming, and disciplining the militia. This proposition 
was startling to some of the members, who thought so 



Mr. 4S.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 

bold a step premature, till the result of the last peti- 
tion to the King should be more fully known. It was 
carried by a majority, however, who, like Washing- 
ton, after the experiments already tried, had no faith 
in the success of petitions. A committee, of w^hich 
Washington was a member, was accordingly selected 
to report a plan. Deference would naturally be paid 
to his superior knowledge and experience in military 
affairs, and it may be presumed that the scheme Avas 
chiefly modeled by him. In defending the above reso- 
lutions, Patrick Henry made the celebrated speech, in 
which he said ; " We must fight ! I repeat it. Sir, w^e 
must fight ! An appeal to arms and the God of hosts 
is all that is left us ! " 

The Convention next took notice of the internal 
state of the province. To remedy the wants, which 
the people would suffer from the cessation of imports, 
it was proposed to devise a plan for the encourage- 
ment of arts and manufactures. Washington was 
likewise on the committee for digesting and preparing 
this plan. Various articles were enumerated, most 
essential for use, which it was believed might be man- 
ufactured in the colony, and methods were indicated 
for accomplishing so desirable an end. The people 
were advised to form themselves into societies and 
committees for mutual intelligence and aid, to offer 
premiums, and to promote the culture of wool, cotton, 
flax, and hemp. The members of the Convention 
agreed, that they would use home manufactures in 
preference to any others, and recommended this patri- 
otic practise to their constituents. 

The former delegates were rechosen to represent 
Virginia in the next Continental Congress. On the 
day this choice was made, Washington wrote to his 
brother, approving his zeal in training an independent 
company, and adding; "I shall very cheerfully ac- 



^^g LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

cept the honor of commanding it, if occasion require 
it to be drawn out, as it is my full intention to devote 
my life and fortune in the cause we are engaged m, it 
needful." The time of need soon arrived. 



-.Et. 43.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 119 



CHAPTEH XII. 

Meeting of the second Congress.— Washington chosen Commander-in-chief of 
the Continental Army.— Repairs to Cambridge, and talces the Command.— 
State of the Army.— His Ictercourse with Congress.— Nuiuei'ous Affairs de- 
volve oa hixxu 

"When the second Congress assembled, on the 10th 
of May, 1775, the relations between the colonies and 
Great Britain had assumed an aspect no longer doubt- 
ful. The petition of the former Congress, though 
received by the King, had been treated with silent 
neglect, and had produced no change of measures or 
purpose. The tone of the ministry and proceedings 
of Parliament indicated a fixed determination to per- 
severe in their oppressive demands, and to achieve by 
force what they could not effect by the menaces of 
power, or the terror of the civil arm. Hostilities .had 
in fact commenced. The tragical day at Lexington 
and Concord had occurred. The inexcusable rashness 
of General Gage, in sending troops into the country 
on an errand of plunder and bloodshed, had roused 
the indignation of the inhabitants ; and the yeomanry 
of New England were flying to arms and rallying 
around the standard of AmiCrican liberty. An army, 
respectable for numbers, strong in spirit and the jus- 
tice of their cause, had collected in the vicinity of 
Boston, prepared for combat, and resolved to resist 
any further encroachments of the now declared enemaes 
to their country. 

Such was the crisis, which presented itself to the 
Congress when they met, and which called for the ex- 
ercise of all their wisdom and firmness. Notwith- 



120 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

standing the hope, perhaps belief, entertained by 
many, that a reconciliation would still take place on 
honorable and satisfactory terms, yet all perceived the 
necessity of prompt and decided action. To shrink at 
this moment, to temporize and delay, would be a con- 
fession of weakness, an evidence of irresolution, which 
might prove of incalculable injury, both by damping 
the ardor of the Americans, and by strengthening the 
confidence of their foes. Whatever difference of opin- 
ion there might be on other points, every member felt, 
that the hour of preparation was come, and that an 
organized system must be instituted, which would draw 
out and concentrate the military resources of the coun- 
try. 

While Congress were deliberating on this subject, 
Washington wrote a letter to a friend in England, in 
which, after speaking of the battle of Lexington, he 
says ; " This may serve to convince Lord Sandwich, 
and others of the same sentiment, that Americans will 
fight for their liberties and property, however pusil- 
lanimous in his Lordship's eyes they may appear in 
other respects. Unhappy it is, though, to reflect, that 
a brother's sword has been sheathed in a brother's 
breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of 
America are either to be drenched in blood, or in- 
habited by slaves. Sad alternative ! But can a virtu- 
ou?s man hesitate in his choice ? " 

Congress first proceeded to consider the state of the 
country, and to provide for defense. Committees were 
appointed to prepare reports, and it is a proof of the 
estimation in which the practical talents and experience 
of Washington were held, that he was chairman of all 
these committees ; first, for recommending what posts 
should ba occupied in the province of Xew York ; 
secondly, for devising vvays and means of procuring 
ammunition and military stores ; thirdly, for making 



JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 

an estimate of money necessary to be raised ; fourthly, 
for preparing rules and regulations for the government 
of the army. By voting unanimously, that "these 
colonies be immediately put into a state of defense," 
Congress virtually assumed a control over the military 
operations of the whole, and the basis of their plans 
was laid accordingly. From that time the forces under 
the direction of Congress were called the Continental 
Army. They also resolved to raise ten companies of 
riflemen in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, 
which were to march and join the army near Boston 
as soon as possible, and to be paid by the continent. 

These preliminary arrangements being finished, the 
next thing was to appoint a Commander-in-chief of 
the American armies. This was a task of more deli- 
cacy and difficulty than might at first be supposed. 
Many considerations were to be weighed, besides the 
personal qualifications of any individual for that high 
station, either as to character, abilities, or military skill. 
In the first place, it was essential that he should be ac- 
ceptable to all the colonies, and particularly to such, 
as, from their position or extent, would be compelled 
to take the largest share in the war. Otherwise local 
jealousies and discontents might spring up, which 
would defeat the best laid schemes, and possibly ruin 
the cause. ]N^ext, there were officers in the country, 
older in years than Colonel Washington, who had ac- 
quired a reputation in the last war, and whose services 
would be necessary. To pass over such, as should be 
thought by themselves or their friends to have higher 
claims, on the score of former rank and standing, a 
point on which military men are always so sensitive, 
might be a hazardous experiment. Besides, the troops 
already in the field were wholly from the "New Eng- 
land provinces, and it was uncertain how far they 
would be reconciled to a commander from the south, 



122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773. 

with whom no one among them had a personal ac- 
quaintance, and who could not be supposed to under- 
stand their habits, feelings, and prepossessions. Gen- 
eral Ward, who had hitherto been at the head of the 
army by the appointment of Massachusetts, and whose 
command was cheerfully acquiesced in by the other 
]Mew England colonies, w^as an officer of experience and 
ability, and it was questionable in what light an at- 
tempt to supersede him might be viewed. 

These difficulties were deeply felt by the members 
of Congress, and examined in all their bearings. Nor 
had they come together without previously pondering 
the subject, and ascertaining, as far as they could, the 
views of men of influence in different places. From 
the first Congress they had gone home with most 
favorable impressions of the character and talents of 
Colonel Washington. All the world acknowledged his 
military accomplishments, intellectual resources, cour- 
age, coolness, and control over the minds of others. 
Five years' experience, in a responsible and arduous 
service, had afforded ample proofs of these qualities. 
It was fortunate, also, that political motives conspired 
to fix the choice on him in preference to any other per- 
son. Virginia was powerful in wealth and numbers, 
and doubly so in its men of brilliant parts, who had 
espoused the cause of the continent with a spirit and 
resolution, v/hich had nowhere else been surpassed. 
To take the commander of the American armies from 
that province was a dictate of policy, which the wise 
and prudent would not overlook, and none but the 
narrow-minded could disapprove. 

It should be said, to the credit of the New England 
delegates, that they were among the foremost to ])ro- 
pose, and the most zealous to promote, the appoint- 
ment of Colonel Washington. As the contest had be- 
gim in MassachusettSj the inhabitants of which had 



Me. 4S.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 

been the chief sufferers, and as the existing army was 
mostly raised there, it could not have been thought 
an extravagant assumption, had that colony aspired to 
the honor of furnishing a Coraraander-in-chief. But, 
happily for America, the patriots of that day rose far 
above the sordid aims of selfishness and party rival- 
ships. 

While the discussions were going on in Congress 
respecting military preparations, Mr. John Adams, one 
of the delegates from Massachusetts, moved that the 
army, then besieging the British troops in Boston, 
should be adopted by Congress as a Continental army ; 
and, in the course of his observations enforcing this 
motion, he said it was his intention to propose for the 
office of Commander-in-chief a gentleman from Yir- 
ginia, who was at that time a member of their own 
body. His remarks were so pointed, that all present 
perceived them to apply to Colonel Washington, who, 
upon hearing this reference to himself, retired from his 
seat and withdrew. When the day for the appoint- 
ment arrived, the nomination was made by Mr. 
Thomas Johnson, of Maryland. The choice was by 
ballot, and, on inspecting the votes, it was found that 
Colonel Washington was unanimously elected. As 
soon as the result was ascertained, the House ad- 
journed. On the convening of Congress the next 
morning, the president communicated to him ofHcially 
the notice of his appointment, and he rose in his place 
and signified his acceptance in a brief and appropriate 
reply. 

After expressing bis thanks for the signal honor 
done him by Congress, and his concern, "from the 
consciousness that his abilities and military experience 
might not be equal to the extensive and important 
trust," he added ; " Lest son'ie unlucky event should 
happen, unfavorable to my reputation,! beg it may be 



124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177& 

remembered by every gentleman in the room, tbat I 
this day declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not 
think myself equal to the command I am honored 
with." Before the election it had been voted, that five 
hundred dollars a month should be allowed for the pay 
and expenses of the general. On this point he said, " I 
beg leave to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary 
consideration could have tempted me to accept this 
arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic 
ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit 
from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. 
Those, I doubt not, they will discharge ; and that is 
all I desire." 

The appointment was made on the 15th of June. 
Four days afterwards he received his commission from 
the president of Congress, in which he was declared to 
be Commander-in-chief of all the forces then raised, or 
that should be raised, in the united colonies, or that 
should voluntarily offer their service for the defense of 
American Liberty. The members of Congress pledged 
themselves by a unanimous resolve, to maintain, assist, 
and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the 
same cause. Four major-generals and eight brigadiers 
were likewise appointed for the Continental army. 
To the former rank were chosen Artemas Ward, 
Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam ; to 
the latter, Seth Pomroy, Kichard Montgomery, David 
Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John 
Thomas, John Sullivan, and JSTathanael Greene. To 
these was added Horatio Gates, as adjutant-general, 
with the rank of brigadier. 

The situation of affairs required the commander's 
presence as soon as possible at Cambridge, where the 
army was stationed. Every necessary arrangement 
with Congress was in a short time completed, and he 
left Philadelphia on the 21st of June, accompanied by 



^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 

General Lee and General Schuyier, and escorted by a 
volunteer troop of light-horse from the city, which con- 
tinued with him to New York. He had reviewed in 
Philadelphia, at the request of the officers, several 
militia companies of infantry, rangers, riflemen, and 
light-horse. "Wherever he appeared, the people mani- 
fe'sted great enthusiasm, and eagerness to show him all 
the respect to which his new rank entitled him. The 
Provincial Congress of New York was then sitting ; 
and, w^hen it was known that General Washington was 
on the road, a committee from that body was deputed 
to meet him at Newark, and attend him across Hud- 
son's Kiver. On his arrival, addresses of congratula- 
tion and civility passed between him and the New 
York Congress. 

The particulars of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached 
him there, and increased his anxiety to hasten forward 
to the army. General Schuyler w^as to remain in New 
York, as commander of the military operations in that 
quarter. This was a delicate position, as the British 
Governor Tryon was then in the city, a ship of w^ar in 
the harbor keeping the inhabitants in awe, and through- 
out the province were many powerful and avowed 
friends of the royal cause. But great confidence was 
placed in the fidelity, discretion, and firmness of Gen- 
eral Schuyler. After giving him instructions suitable 
to the exigencies of the case, General Washington again 
pursued his journey, escorted by volunteer military 
companies. In this manner he traveled to Springfield, 
where he was met by a committee from the Massa- 
chusetts Provincial Congress, w^ho were instructed to 
provide escorts, and to attend him in person, through 
the remainder of the route. He arrived in Cambridge 
on the 2d of July, and took command of the army the 
next day. . . 

His first care was to ascertain the numbers, position, 



226 1-13^ ^^ WASHINGTON. pTTBw 

and arratigeTnents of the troops, to inspect the posts 
they occupied, and to gain a knowledge of the strength 
and plans of the enemy. The British general was him- 
self stationed in Boston, with the light-horse and a few 
other troops ; the bulk of his army lay on Bunker's 
Hill, busy in throwing up intrenchraents ; and the re- 
mainder w^ere on the neck of land between Boston and 
Eoxbary, which had been strongly fortified. The 
Americans were so posted as to form a complete line 
of siege around Boston and Charlestown, extending 
nearly twelve miles from Mystic Kiver to Dorchester. 
Intrenchments and redoubts had been begun at different 
points in this line, a,nd these works were still in prog- 
ress. The regiments from Tsew Hampshire, Ehode 
Island, and part of those from Connecticut, occupied 
Winter Hill and Prospect Hill ; several of the Massa- 
chusetts regiments were at Cambridge, and others 
from Connecticut and Massachusetts covered the high 
grounds in Eoxburj^ 

Having acquainted himself with this state of affairs. 
General Washington convened a council of war. It 
was the opinion of the council, that, according to the 
best information that could be obtained, the enemy's 
available force in Boston amounted to eleven thousand 
five hundred m.en, including the regular troops, Tories, 
and such sailors as might be spared from the fleet. It 
was also advised, without a dissenting voice, that the 
posts now occupied should be held and defended, and 
that twenty-two thousand men were necessary to give 
proper security to so long an extent of lines. A place 
of rendezvous, in case the army should be attacked and 
routed, was likewise agreed upon. 

The difficulty was perceived of sustaining posts so 
widely separated, almost under the guns of the enemy, 
and exposed at many points to sudden assaults; and 
the question of removing further into the country to a 



Mr. 48,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1^ 

stronger position vrrs discussed. But this was thought 
to be neither politic in itself, nor without hazard in the 
execution. It would discourage the men, elate the 
enemy, and have an ill effect upon the minds of the 
people. This consideration, added to the uncertainty 
of finding a better place at which to make a stand, and 
to the great labor and charge already bestowed on the 
works for defense, was regarded as conclusive against 
a change. 

The American army, including the sick and absent, 
amounted to about seventeen thousand men ; but the 
number present, fit for duty, was only fourteen thou- 
sand five hundred. This was so far short of the number 
wanted, that the council recommended an immediate 
application to the Isew England governments to make 
up the deficiency by new recruits. 

It will easily be supposed, that an army, collected as 
this had been on the spur of the moment from different 
provinces and under different regulations, would be 
defective in many essential parts. There were few 
tents and stores, no supply of clothing, no military 
chest, no general organization. The regiments acted 
under their respective commanders, who were united 
only by mutual consent, bound together by no military 
law, and, except those from Massachusetts, yielding 
obedience to General Ward rather from courtesy and 
the necessity of the case, than from any recognition of 
his superior authority. The troops of each province 
were regulated by their own militia laws. These were 
various and discordant ; and hence no general system 
could prevail. Discipline was lax; disorders frequent. 
But the most alarming want was that of ammunition, 
respecting which the officers themselves seem to have 
been deceived, till General Washington discovered, to 
his great astonishment, that there was not powder 
enough in the whole camp for nine cartridges to a man. 



128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (1775. 

Out of these materials, and in the midst of these 
embarrassments, it was General Washington's first 
task to form, commission, and systematize an arnn^ 
Another circumstance caused great perplexity from 
the beginning. The appointment of general officers 
by Congress had given much dissatisfaction. The 
pretensions to rank, on the score of former services, 
had not been well adjusted. The subordinate officers 
and private soldiers mingled their sympathies and 
complaints, and threatened to leave the army unless 
these grievances should be redressed. Symptoms of 
discontent appeared in every quarter, and threatened to 
destroy the little that remained of method and dis- 
cipline. The ferment was gradually allayed by the 
prudence of Washington, who referred the matter to 
Congress, and proceeded steadily to mature his plans. 

He arranged the arm}^ into six brigades, of six regi- 
ments each, in such a manner, that the troops from the 
same colony should be brought together, as far as 
practicable, and act under a commander from that 
colony. Of the whole he made three grand divisions, 
each consisting of two brigades or twelve regiments, 
The division forming the left wing was stationed at 
Winter Hill, and commanded by Major-Gen eral Lee ; 
the center division was at Cambridge, under Major- 
General Putnam ; and the right wing at Eoxbury, 
under Major-General Ward. The headquarters of the 
Commander-in-chief were with the center at Cam- 
bridge. 

Thus was planted the original germ of the Conti- 
nental army, to foster the growth and strength of 
which required the utmost care and address. All the 
officers were commissioned anew by Congress, although 
no changes of rank were attempted, and no appoint- 
ments made, except of the major and brigadier-gen- 
erals. By degrees the system worked itself into a 



^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 

tolerable method ; but, after all, it was full of imper- 
fections, which no art or skill could remedy. The 
soldiers had been enlisted by their respective govern- 
ments for a definite time and object, and they looked 
upon this contract as one which they were bound to 
fulfil, but not such as could put them under any other 
power. Each individual regarded himself as a party 
concerned, and claimed his rights as a citizen. 

Hence, when the rules and regulations of the Conti- 
nental army, which had been prescribed by Congress, 
were presented to them, many would not accede, be- 
cause they did not enlist on such terms, and they were 
apprehensive some nevf obligations might devolve on 
them by giving their assent. Having left their homes 
to fight for liberty, they chose to assert it first in their 
own behalf. However repugnant this temper was to 
the existence of an army, the commander yielded to 
his good sense, and resorted to no other force than that 
of argument and facts, judiciously set forth from time 
to time in the general orders ; tenacious of his author- 
ity no further than the public good exacted, and for- 
bearing to oppose prejudices, which could not be 
softened by persuasion nor subdued by severity. He 
left it optional v/ith the men to subscribe the articles 
or not, making it a necessary condition only with the 
new recruits, who enlisted into the Continental ranks. 

In addition to the management and direction of the 
armies in the field, which is all that is usually expected 
from a commander-in-chief, a most responsible service 
of a different kind was thrown upon General Wash- 
ington. Congress, as the civil head of the confederacy, 
was as yet feeble in its powers, imperfectly organized, 
distrustful of its control over the public will, and 
wholly unversed in military concerns, l^or did una- 
nimity reign among its members. On the great point 
of resistance, till wrongs should be redressed, there 
9 



ISO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T75. 

was bufc one Yoice. As to the ineans of attaining this 
end, a wide difference prevailed. Some were timid, 
fixing their hopes upon a speedy reconciliation ; others 
doubted the ability of the country to sustain a contest ; 
others were influenced by local interests ; while others 
again were resolute, and allowed all thoughts of future 
consequences to bo swallowed up in the single consid- 
eration of the justice of their cause. The majority 
were of this last description. Yet even these men, 
dauntless in spirit, and willing to risk everything on 
their own account, were haunted by a specter, which 
gave them great uneasiness. History had told them 
of the danger of military power, the ambition of aspir- 
ing leaders, and the chains that had been forged and 
riveted on an unsuspicious people by standing armies. 
These lessons made a deep impression, and infused a dis- 
trust incompatible with enlarged schemes or energetic 
action. Thus it was, that the same ardor of patriotism, 
which impelled them to encounter every hazard, oper- 
ated as a check to the only measures by which their 
object could be gained. 

These misgivings were early discovered by "Wash- 
ington. He respected the motive, although he could 
not but lament its eiiects. Conscious, on his own part, 
of the highest purity of purpose, and harboring no 
latent thought, which was not directed to the best 
good of his country-, if ho felt vv'ounded at this suspicion, 
he did not suffer it to appear in his conduct, nor to 
alter his opinion of the v/atchful guardians of the 
people's liberty. Example, he wisely thought, would 
oe more regarded than complaint, more persuasive 
than words. If ability and courage are necessary in a 
commander, he soon saw, that, in his case at least, 
patience, forbearance, and fortitude were not less so. 

A regular army and a military system were to be 
created, and on such principles as would insure their 



Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 131 

stability and continuance. This great work was to be 
executed mainly by the Commander-in-chief. Congress 
might approve, sanction, and aid ; but it was his task 
to invent, combine, organize, establish, and sustain. 
To this end he kept up an unremitted correspondence 
with Congress during the whole war. His letters were 
read to the House in full session, and almost every im- 
portant resolution respecting the army was adopted on 
his suggestion or recommendation, and emanated from 
his mind. He was thus literally the center of motion 
to this immense and complicated machine, not more 
in directing its operations, than in providing for its 
existence, and preserving from derangement and ruin 
its various parts. His perplexities were often increased 
by the distance at vvhich he was stationed from Con- 
gress, the tardy movements of that body, and the long 
time it took to obtain the results of their delibera^tions. 
By a constant watchfulness and forethought, and by 
anticipating the future in his communications, he con- 
trived to lessen this inconvenience as far as it could be 
done. 

Besides his unceasing intercourse with Congress, he 
was obliged to correspond with the heads of the pro- 
vincial governments, and afterwards with the governors 
and legislatures of the States, with conventions, com- 
mittees, and civil magistrates. In these were really 
vested the executive powers of the confederated gov- 
ernment. Congress recommended, advised, resolved; 
they voted men and supplies, assigning due proportions 
to the respective States ; here their authority ceased^ 
The rest v/as left to the will of the people, exercised 
through their representatives in the State legislatures. 
These bodies required the perpetual promptings of the 
Commander-in-chief, with forcible representations of 
the weakness and wants of the army, and appeals to 
all the motives which could stimulate ^triotism or 



^32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

touch the springs of interest. One advantage, how- 
ever, attended these harassing relations, which might 
compensate for so extraordinary a weight of care and 
responsibility. They brought him into more direct 
contact with the sources of power, and enabled him to 
extend his influence, and the fruits of his wisdom, into 
channels where they were most needed, and would 
produce the best effects ; thus enlarging the compass 
of his own consideration, and promoting public har- 
mony and union. 

He had not been long in camp, when he was called 
upon to exercise his firmness in a manner, that for a 
moment threatened disagreeable consequences. The 
enemy's armed vessels were hovering on the coast, 
seizing small craft, and menacing towns on the sea- 
board. The inhabitants were alarmed, and claimed 
protection. The legislature of Massachusetts and the 
governor of Connecticut applied to Washington with 
a formal request, that he would detach troops from 
the army for that purpose. To refuse this request was 
delicate ; to grant it, dangerous. In the former case, 
it would excite the clamors of the people and the dis- 
satisfaction of their rulers; in the latter, it would 
weaken the army so maich, as to leave the camp ex- 
posed to a successful assault, and the country around 
Boston to insult and ravage. The army itself might 
be dispersed, and the hopes of the continent blighted 
in the bud. He did not hesitate. He declined, and 
stated his reasons in language so judicious and forcible, 
as to avoid giving offense, and to blunt the edge of 
disappointment. This precedent was followed through- 
out the war. It was established as a rule, that attacks 
of the enemy at isolated points along the coast must 
be repelled by the militia in the vicinity, except when 
the Continental army was in a condition to make de- 
tachments without jeoparding the general cause. 



^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 



CHAPTEK XIIL 

Correspondence with General Gage. — Councils of War respecting an Assault 
on Boston. — Organization of a newContinental Army.— Difficulties in procur- 
ing Recruits.— Militia called out.— ?.Iaritime Affairs.— Armed Vessels.— 
General Howe takes Command of the British Army. — Condition of the 
American Army at the End of the Year.— Washington's Arrangement of 
his private Affairs. 

General Gage commanded the British troops in 
Boston. Prisoners had fallen into his hands on the 
eventful day at Bunker's Hill, and he had seized other 
persons accused of disaffection to the King. These 
he had thrown indiscriminately into prison, no dis- 
tinction being made between officers, soldiers, and citi- 
zens. The report went abroad that they w^ere treated 
wath great severity. Justice to his country, and the 
calls of humanity, made it incumbent on Washington 
to remonstrate against such conduct. He wrote to 
the British general. The occasion awakened recol- 
lections of more than common interest. Just twenty 
years had elapsed since he and Gage fought side by 
side on the bloody battle-field of the Monongahela. 
An intimacy then subsisted between them, which w^as 
cherished afterwards by a friendly correspondence. 
Far different was the relation in which they now stood 
to each other, at the head of contending armies ; the 
one obeying the commands of his sovereign, the other 
upholding the cause of an oppressed people. 

Their letters were significant of the change. The 
remonstrance of Washington, clothed in dignified but 
pointed language, represented the impolicy as well as 
cruelty of ill-treatment to prisoners, since it would 
impose upon him the necessity of retaliating, and there 



134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. pTTBL. 

would be no end to the horrors of war, if such a system 
were pursued. General Gage denied the charge of 
harsh usage, and took credit to himself for his cleni'. 
ency in sparing persons, ''whose lives by the law of 
the land were destined to the cord." As to difference 
of rank, he professed not to know any, which was not 
derived from the King. 

These principles set at nought all the rules of honor- 
able warfare, and indicated that the highest officers in 
the American army, if captured, would be treated as 
culprits. The only apparent remedy was retaliation. 
The prisoners in Washington's possession were im- 
mediately ordered into the country, and he gave 
directions that they should receive in every respect 
the same treatment as was known to be practised on 
the unfortunate sufferers in Boston. Such was his 
first impulse ; but, however justified by the laws of 
war, he could not reconcile to himself an act, which 
should inflict punishment on innocent men for the 
folly or obduracy of a commander. The order was 
countermanded, while the prisoners w^ere on the road 
to Northampton, the place of their destination ; and 
Colonel Reed, one of his aides de-camp, wrote to the 
committee of the town, directing that the prisoners 
should be at liberty to go abroad on their parole. He 
added : '' The General further requests, that every 
other indulgence and civility consistent with their 
security may be shown to them, as long as they demean 
themselves with decency and good manners. As they 
have committed no hostility against the people of this 
country, they have a just claim to mild treatment ; 
and the General does not doubt, that your conduct 
towards them will be such, as to compel their grateful 
acknowledgments, that Americans are as merciful as 
they are brave." 

In replying to General Gagd's letter, Washingtoa 



JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1S5 

said : " You affect, Sir, to despise all rank not derived 
from the same source as your own. I cannot conceive 
one more honorable, than that which flows from th© 
uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the 
purest source and original fountain of all power. Far 
from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true 
magnanimity and enlarged ideas would apprehend 
and respect it." The indiscretion and weakness of the 
British general's conduct admit of no defense; 3^et it 
should be remembered, that he was taught by his 
superiors to look upon the asserters of liberty in 
America as rebels, and to treat tbcni as such. Little 
can be said, however, in praise of his political sagacity, 
knowledge of human nature, or enlargement of mind. 

The army was soon augmented by the companies of 
riflemen from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, 
which had been raised in compliance with a resolution 
of the Continental Congress. The companies were 
j511ed up with surprising quickness, and on their arrival 
in camp the numbers of several of them exceeded the 
prescribed limit. "Within two months from the time 
the orders were sent out, they had been enlisted and 
equipped, and had marched from four to seven hun- 
dred miles to the army at Cambridge. 

General Washington had the satisfaction to find, also, 
that the reinforcements of militia, which he had 
requested from the I^ew England governments to 
strengthen his camp, came in as expeditiously as could 
be desired. 

The deficiency of powder in the camp at Cambridge 
continued to be a cause of extreme anxiety to Y/ashing- 
ton. Small quantities were collected, but in no pro- 
portion to the demand. What added to his concern 
was, that the enemy m.ight discover his weakness on 
this account, and march out to attack him. In such 
an event, the whole army must inevitably be routed 



136 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

and dispersed. Secrecy was indispensable; and con- 
sequently the people at large were as ignorant of his 
condition, as the enemy v/ithin their lines. Murmurs 
began to be audible that the army was inactive, and 
that a superiorit}^ of numbers might justif}^ an attempt 
against the town. The subject was referred to a 
council of general ofiicers, who unanimously opposed 
such an experiment. A report next gained creditj 
that tenderness for the inhabitants of the town, and 
reluctance to burn their houses and property, were 
motives for this forbearance. Congress, either partici- 
pating this sentiment, or willing to hazard the con- 
sequences, hinted their wishes to the general by sug. 
gesting, that, *4f he thought it practicable to defeat 
the enemy and gain possession of the town, it would 
be advisable to make the attack upon the first favorable 
occasion, and before the arrival of reinforcements, 
which Congress apprehended might soon be expected." 
Another council was called, a month after the above, 
to consider this suggestion, and again there w^as a 
unanimous voice against it. Whatever Washington's 
own opinion may have been, he was constrained to 
acquiesce in silence ; for it would have been highly 
imprudent to undertake such an enterprise, while all 
the officers were opposed to it, and his actual condition 
demanded concealment from the public. 

Occasional cannonades and skirmishes took place at 
the advanced points on the lines, but the enemy showed 
no disposition to leave their intrenchments. In fact, 
they never meditated an attack, unless reinforcements 
should arrive. General Gage wrote to Lord Dart- 
mouth, that such an attempt, if successful, would be 
fruitless, as there were neither horses nor carriages 
for transportation, and no other end could be answered 
than to drive the Americans from one stronghold to 
another. 



Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I37 

The time yras drawing near when it would be neces- 
sary to form a new army. The Connecticut and 
Rhode Island troops w^ere engaged to serve only till 
the beginning of December, and none beyond the end 
of that month. The attention of Congress had been 
called to the subject, and a committee of three mem- 
bers was appointed to repair to the camp, and meet 
delegates from the New England colonies, for the pur- 
pose of devising the most effectual means of continuing, 
regulating, and supporting the Continental army, 
Franklin, Lynch, and Harrison were the committee, 
and they joined the delegates at Washington's head- 
quarters on the 18th of October. 

As the persons constituting this convention were 
unskilled in military affairs, the plan proposed by 
General Washington, which had been discussed and 
matured by a council of officers, was in the main 
adopted. It was conceived, that, to give proper secu- 
rity, the American army ought to be numerically twice 
as large as that of the enemy in Boston. Twenty-six 
regiments, therefore, were assigned for the new organ- 
ization, besides riflemen and artillery, each regiment 
being divided into eight companies. The whole num- 
ber of men would then by estimate amount to twenty 
thousand three hundred and seventy-two. Many of 
those already on the ground, whose term of service 
was soon to expire, it was hoped would re-enlist, and 
the deficiency was to be supplied by recruits from the 
country. The delegates supposed that thirty-two 
thousand men might be raised in the four New Eng- 
land colonies for one year, the period fixed by Congress 
for all the enlistments. 

After the convention was dissolved, the committee 
from Congress continued to sit, and took various other 
subjects into consideration. The articles of war under- 
went a revision, and several changes were introduced. 



138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

which experience had proved to be necessary. Regu- 
lations for disposing of prizes captured at sea, for the 
exchange of prisoners, the employment of Indians, and 
many local details relating to the army, came under 
notice, and certain definite rules were agreed upon. 
"When the committee returned to Congress, their pro- 
ceedings were approved and confirmed. 

This conference was of great service to the Com- 
mander-in-chief. It afforded an opportunity of express- 
ing his sentiments with more freedom and fulness than 
he could do by written communications. A system 
was likewise formed for future operations in which he 
could confide, as both Congress and the eastern colonies 
were bound to support the measures agreed upon by 
their representatives. 

The next step was to organize the army according 
to the new arrangement, to appoint the colonels and 
inferior officers of the several regiments, and issue 
recruiting orders. This was an affair of great delicacy 
and embarrassment. It was in the highest degree im- 
portant to retain as many of the men as possible, who 
were now in the ranks ; and it was soon discovered, 
that very few vv'ould remain, unless they could know 
beforehand what officers they were to serve under, 
and could have all their partialities gratified. Local 
considerations threw many obstacles in the way. Care 
must be taken that each colony should have its due 
proportion of officers, according to the number of men 
it was expected to furnish ; and that their rank should 
be so adjusted as to suit the caprices of some, and tiie 
extravagant claims of others. The task was formi- 
dable, but it was at last accomplished, and the recruiting 
began. 

In addition to the concerns of the army, "Washington 
was obliged to bestow much time and attention on 
maritime affairs. 'No public vessels as yet belonged to 



^T. 43.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 

the continent, nor had Congress made any provision 
for a naval warfare. While the British troops and the 
inhabitants of Boston were shut up within the limits 
of that town, and excluded from a direct intercourse 
with the country, it was necessary that all their sup- 
plies should come to them by water ; and the large 
number of vessels employed in this service suggested 
the idea of fitting out cruisers in the ports along the 
coast to capture them. Having no instructions to 
this efPect, yet believing it compatible with the general 
design of annoying and distressing the enem}^, Wash- 
ington took on himself the responsibility of equipping 
and sending out armed vessels. Agents were employed 
in Salem, Beverly, Marblehead, and Plymouth, to pro- 
cure and fit them out, and they w^ere manned by 
ofBcers and sailors from the army. His instructions 
to the captains were precise and guarded ; and, that 
he might seem to act under the authority of his com- 
mission, he ordered them to " take command of a 
detachment of the army, with which they were to pro- 
ceed on board, cruise against such vessels as were 
found in the service of the enemy, and seize all such as 
were laden with soldiers, arms, ammunition, or pro- 
visions.'* 

In a few weeks six armed schooners were under sail, 
cruising in the waters of Massachusetts Bay. Several 
captures were made, and particularly a valuable one by 
Captain Manly, consisting of munitions of war. But, 
on the whole, the first enterprises were not crowned 
with signal success. Some of the officers proved incom- 
petent, the men mutinied, and the management of tho 
business in its details caused infinite trouble. The 
system was improved by degrees, other vessels Tvere 
fitted out, and Congress provided prize-courts and 
regulations, which resulted at length in the establish- 
ment of a Continental Kavy. But General Washing- 



140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

ton was not relieved from this charge, till after the 
enemy evacuated Boston. 

One incident illustrative of his character should be 
here mentioned. Two armed vessels were despatched 
to the river St. Lawrence, with orders to intercept two 
brigantines, which it had been understood were to sail 
from England to Quebec with arms and ammunition. 
Failing in this object, the captains made a descent upon 
the Island of St. John's, pillaged the inhabitants, and 
brought some of them away prisoners. Whether this 
act was consistent or not with the customary rules of 
warfare, it was severely reprimanded by Washington, 
who immediately set the prisoners at liberty, treated 
them with the greatest kindness, restored all the prop- 
erty that had been taken, and provided the best means 
in his power to send them back to their homes. 

The burning of Falmouth, an act of personal malice 
and cruel wantonness on the part of a British naval 
officer, and the threats of the enemy that the same fate 
should fall upon other seaport towns, produced con- 
sternation, and the most pressing requests to General 
Washington for assistance in powder, arms and troops. 
Again he was compelled, by the necessities of his own 
situation, to withhold the relief so strenuously solicited. 
His sympathies were keenly affected by their sufferings, 
and his popularity was jeoparded by the refusal ; yet 
in this case, as in all others, a stern sense of duty sub- 
dued his private feelings and fortified his judgment. 

When the news of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached 
the British cabinet, General Gage was recalled, '' in 
order to give his Majesty exact information of every 
thing, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and 
experience of the service enabled him to furnish." In 
the dearly bought victory at Bunker's Hill he had 
made a discovery, which seems to have been not less 
astonishing to himself than mortifying to the minis- 



JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 

ters. " The trials we have had," said he, in a letter to 
Lord Dartmouth, *'sho\v the rebels are not the despi- 
cable rabble too many have supposed them to be." In 
the opinion of the ministers this intelligence showed, 
likewise, that General Gage had been duped by ill ad- 
visers or his own ignorance, and that, either from 
obstinacy, want of address, or incapacity, he was not 
competent to the station he occupied. On the 1st of 
October he was superseded in the command by Gen- 
eral Howe. 

The abilities of this oflBcer were perhaps superior to 
those of his predecessor, but they did not grow by ex- 
perience in the public estimation. He possessed the 
advantage, however, of not having mingled in the ex- 
citing events, in which General Gage had acted such a 
part as to bring down upon him the iD will and reproaches 
of the people. General Howe was a brother of Lord 
Howe, who had been slain at Ticonderoga in the last 
war, and whose memory was ever cherished with warm 
affection by the colonists. Hence he had nothing to 
contend against but the physical force, determined 
spirit, and political skill of the Americans. Prejudices 
were in his favor, and no antipathies existed. Unluck- 
ily he imbibed the idea, that he was quelling a rebellion, 
and that a scrupulous regard to the rules of honorable 
warfare was not exacted in such a contest. It would 
be hard to blame him, perhaps, on this score, since he 
was only conforming to the spirit of his instructions; 
yet a little more discernment in penetrating the actual 
state of things around him, a little more discretion and 
sagacity in adapting his conduct to circumstances, 
would have shown his character in a better light with- 
out diminishing the value of his services in the cause he 
was set to maintain. 

The enlistments in the new army went on slowly. 
The dissatisfaction and cabals of the officers, the exact, 



142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

ing temper and undisciplined habits of the men, oc- 
casioned endless perplexities. General Washington felt 
intense anxiety. His patience and fortitude were tried 
in the severest manner. A month's experiment had 
obtained only live thousand recruits. At one time he 
"v?as flattered with promises, at another almost every 
gleam of hope was extinguished, till at length, when 
the term of service of the Connecticut troops was about 
to expire, it was ascertained that they would go off in 
a bod}'' and leave a fearful blank in an army already 
deficient in numbers, and weakened by internal disor- 
ders. He appealed to every motive which could stim- 
ulate their patriotism, pride, or sense of honor, but 
all in vain ; and it was with the greatest diflaculty, 
that he could persuade them to stay ten days longer, 
till the militia could be assembled to supply their 
place. 

Orders were issued for calling in the militia. By a 
prudent foresight he had suggested to Congress the 
necessity of being intrusted with this authority, and it 
was granted in general terms. But here again a new 
trouble arose. The same specter of military domina^. 
tion, which had from the first struck so much dread 
into the minds of many persons, and had limited the 
existence of the present array to one year, was still 
busy in spreading its terrors, and tormenting itsadver* 
saries. If the Commander-in-chief could call out the 
whole force of the country at his option, where would 
be the bounds of his power, where the checks to soar* 
ing ambition, where the safeguard of the people^s lib- 
erties ? Such questions were asked in a tone of tvu 
umphant confidence, implying that they could not be 
answered. Happily Congress put an end to them by 
a simple expedient. They amended their resolve by 
making it incumbent on the Commander-in-chief to 
gain the consent of th© executive authority of each col- 



jEt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 

ony before he summoned its militia. In fact he had 
hitherto proceeded in this way, and probably always 
would have done so; bat this form of the resolve 
allayed the fears of the alarmists, and was equally 
effectual. 

When General "Washington complained to Governor 
Trumbull of the extraordinary conduct of the Connec- 
ticut troops, the latter replied : " There is great diffi- 
culty to support liberty, to exercise government, and 
maintain subordination, and at the same time to pre- 
vent the operation of licentious and leveling principles, 
which many very easily imbibe. The pulse of a Kew 
England man beats high for liberty ; his engagement 
in the service he thinks purely voluntary ; therefore, 
when the time of enlistment is out, he thinks himself 
not holden without further engagement. This was 
the case in the last war. I greatly fear its operation 
amongst the soldiers of the other colonies, as I am 
sensible this is the genius and spirit of our people." 
Another consideration had great weight, perhaps 
greater than all the rest. The men expected a bounty, 
A soldier's pay did not satisfy them, as they could ob- 
tain better wages in other employments, without the 
fatigue and privations of a camp. Congress had de* 
clared against bounties, and they could not be offered, 
unless the colonies should choose to do it individually 
on their own account. 

At the end of the year, when the old array was dis- 
solved, the whole number of the new establishment 
was nine thousand six hundred and fifty. More than 
a thousand of these men were absent on furloughs, 
which it had been necessary to grant as a condition of 
regnlistment* This result was peculiarly discouraging. 
** It is easier to conceive than describe," said General 
Washington, " the situation of my mind for some time 
past, and my feelings under our present circumstances. 



144 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

Searcli the volumes of history through, and I much 
question whether a case similar to ours is to be found ; 
namely, to maintain a post against the flower of the 
British troops for six months together, without powder, 
and then to have one army disbanded and another to 
be raised within the same distance of a reinforced 
enemy." His immediate safety, however, was secured 
by the addition of five thousand militia, who soon came 
in, and were to remain till the middle of January. 
And the advanced state of the season rendered it im^ 
probable that the enemy would undertake sudden 
enterprises. 

When General Washington accepted the appoint- 
ment of Congress, he supposed it would be in his power 
to visit his family in the winter, and attend for a short 
space to his private affairs. This was found impracti- 
cable, or at least inconsistent with the duties of his 
charge ; and Mrs. Washington joined him at bead- 
quarters in December, where she remained till the next 
spring. This was her practise during the war. She 
passed the winters with her husband in camp, and 
returned at the opening of the camj)aigns to Mount 
Yernon. 

His large estates were consigned to the care of a 
superintendent, Mr. Lund Washington, in whom he 
had confidence, and who executed the trust with dill- 
gerice and fidelity. I^otwithstanding the multitude of 
public concerns, which at all times pressed heavily, 
and which he never neglected, the thoughts of General 
Washington constantly reverted to his farms. In the 
midst of the most stirring and eventful scenes of the 
war, he kept up an unremitted correspondence with 
his manager, in which he entered into details, gave 
minute instructions, and exacted in return frequent 
and full reports of the particulars relating to the cul- 
ture of his lands, their products, the condition of the 



^T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 145 

laborers, and every transaction of business. From the 
beginning to tlie end of tlie Revolution, Lund "Wash- 
ino'ton wrote to the General as often at least as two 
or three times a month, and commonly every week, 
detailing minutely all the events that occurred on tha 
plantations, his purchases, sales, and payments of 
money, the kinds and quantity of produce, occupations 
of the laborers, and whatever else could tend to ex- 
plain the precise condition and progress of the business 
in his hands. These letters were regularly answered 
by the General, even when the weight and embarrass- 
ment of public duties pressed most heavily upon him, 
and full instructions were returned for regulating the 
plans and conduct of the manager. Hardly any copies 
of this description of letters were recorded, if retained, 
and the originals have been lost or destroyed. But 
Lund Washington's letters are preserved, and they 
give evidence of the extraordinary attention bestowed 
by the Commander-in-chief on his domestic affairs, 
though several hundred miles from home, and bearing 
a burden of public cares, which alone was enough to 
distract and exhaust the firmest mind. 

An extract from one of his letters on these topics 
will show a trait of character, and the footing on 
which he left his household at Mount Yernon. '^ 

" Let the hospitality of the house, with respect to 
the poor, be kept up. Let no one go hungry away. 
If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, 
supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage 
them in idleness ; and I have no objection to your giv- 
ing my money in charity, to the amount of forty or 
fifty pounds a 3^ear, when you think it well bestowed. 
What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my 
desire that it should be done. You are to consider, 
that neither myself nor wife is now in the way to do 
these good offices. In all other respects, I recommend 

10 



146 



LIFE OF WASHI:NGT0N. D'?75, 



it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the 
greatest economy and frugality ; as I suppose you 
know, that I. do^not get a farthing for my services 
here, more than my expenses. It becomes necessary, 
therefore, for me to be saving at home.'' 



iBT. 43.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. U7 



CHAPTEE XIY. 

Plans for an Attack on Boston.-Condltion of the Army. -Dorchester Height! 
fortined.— Evacuation of Boston.— Troops march to New York.— Washing- 
ton repairs to Congress.— His Views in Regard to the State of the Country. 
—Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them.- Declara- 
tion of Independence. 

Towards the end of December it was ascertained, 
that General Howe was fitting out a part of his fleet 
in the harbor of Boston for some secret enterprise. 
Its destination could only be conjectured ; but the sea- 
son of the year and other circumstances induced a be- 
lief, that an operation at the south was in view. Fears 
were entertained for New York, then in a defenseless 
condition, feeble from the timid counsels of its pro- 
vincial Congress, awed by a British man-of-war, and 
distracted by the artifices of Governor Tryon, whose 
presence and address had kept together on Long 
Isk\nd a formidable body of Tories, some concealed, 
others undisguised. 

No efforts were to be spared to prevent the enemy 
from gaining possession of so important a post as New 
York, which, with Hudson's Eiver, opened a direct 
channel to Canada, through which an invading army 
might pass, to the great injury of the interior country, 
if not to the discomfiture of the army in the northern 
department. In the present state of General Wash- 
ington's forces, he could not send a detachment from 
camp. As the most promising scheme that offered, 
General Lee was despatched, with instructions from 
the Commander-in-chief to raise volunteers in Con- 
necticut, hasten forward to New York, call^ to his aid 
other troops from New Jersey, put the city in the best 



148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

posture of defense which his means would permit, dis- 
arm the Tories and other persons inimical to the rights 
and liberties of America, and guard the fortifications 
on Hudson's Eiver. 

Meantime General Washington became more and 
more impatient to make an attack on Boston. He 
summoned a council of officers on the 16th of January, 
to whom with strong arguments he urged the necessitj 
of such an attempt before the enemy should be rein- 
forced, and requested their opinion. They agreed 
that the attack ought not to be deferred a moment 
after there should be a fair hope of its succeeding ; 
but, with the force then in the field, they believed it 
impracticable. That his feelings were keenly affected 
by his situation, is apparent from the tone of a letter 
written at the time, " Could I have foreseen the diffi- 
culties," said he, " which have come upon us ; could I 
have known that such backwardness would have been 
discovered by the old soldiers to the service, all the 
generals upon earth should not have convinced me of 
the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston till 
this time." He alludes here to the soldiers of the first 
army, who had refused to enlist, and gone home, in 
much greater numbers than he had anticipated. 

The new regiments were increasing very tardily. 
The time for which the five thousand militia engaged 
to serve had expired, and a few only could be prevailed 
upon to stay longer. Another call for militia was in- 
dispensabl-e. Seven regiments were apportioned to 
Massachusetts, four to Connecticut, and two to New 
Hampshire. By the time these should come in, it was 
hoped the ice on the waters around Boston would be 
frozen hard enough to facilitate an assault on the town. 

Besides the want of povrder, which had at no time 
been supplied in any adequate quantity, the deficiency 
of arms threatened serious consequences. There were 



Mt. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I49 

nearly two thousand men in camp without firelocks. 
Every expedient was tried to procure them, but with 
little effect. The Kew England governments had 
none to furnish. The militia, reluctant to part with 
their arms, carried them away when they returned 
home. Officers were sent into the country with money 
to purchase them. A few were obtained in this way, 
but not enough to arm all the men. 

Despondency was seldom known, perhaps never, to 
unsettle the constancy or self-command of Washington. 
He seemed to gather new strength by resisting the 
pressure of difficulties thickening around him. Borne 
up by a conscious integrity, weighing well every act 
of his life, convinced of the justice of his cause, and 
habitually trusting in the direction of an overruling 
Providence, his far-reaching mind looked steadily to 
the end, and he went onward, resolute in purpose, 
strong in hope. The events of the last six months, 
however, and the position in which he was now placed, 
could not but awaken anxious forebodings, and touch 
his sensibility. He saw his own reputation and the 
vital interests of his country in jeopardy. The means 
of rescuing the one from unmerited censure, and secur- 
ing the other on a solid basis, were feeble, remote, 
uncertain. The following is his language on the 
occasion, contained in a letter to a friend. 

" I know the unhappy predicament in vrhich I stand ; 
I know that much is expected of me ; I know, that, 
without men, without arms, without ammunition, with- 
out anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, 
little is to be done ; and, what is mortifying, I know 
that I cannot stand justified to the world without ex- 
posing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by 
declaring my w^ants, which I am determined not tp do, 
further than unavoidable necessity brings every man 
acquainted with them. My situation is so irksome to 



150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ir?e. 

me at times, that, if I did not consult the public good 
more than my own tranquillity, I should long ere this 
have put everything on the cast of a die. So far from 
my having an army of twenty thousand men vrell 
armed, I have been here with less than half that num- 
ber, including sick, furloughed, and on command, and 
those neither armed nor clothed as they should be. 
In short, my situation has been such, that I have been 
obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers." 

As a contrast to this representation, proving the 
buoyancy of his mind and his determined spirit under 
the heaviest depression, another passage is here quoted 
from the same letter. 

" With respect to myself, I have never entertained 
an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the meas- 
ures, which were adopted in consequence of the 
Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed 
the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that 
affair ; and, if every man vras of my mind, the ministers 
of Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon 
what issue the cause should be put. I would not be 
deceived by artful declarations, nor specious pretenses ; 
nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; 
but, in open, undisguised, and manl}^ terms, proclaim 
our wrongs, and our resolution to be redressed.^ I 
would tell them that we had borne much, that we i^ad 
long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honor- 
able terms, that it had been denied us, that all our 
atteinpts after peace had proved abortive, and had 
been grossly misrepresented, that we had done every- 
thing which could be expected from the best of subjects, 
that the spirit of freedom rises too hi^h in us to submit 
to slavery. This I would tell them not under covert, 
but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian bright- 
ness." 

By degrees the affairs of the army assumed a more 



JET, 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153^ 

favorable aspect. Owing to the mildness of the winter, 
little ice Avas formed till the middle of February, when 
it was sufficiently strong to enable the troops to march 
over it from Eoxbury and Dorchester. The Command- 
er-in-chief proposed to take advantage of this opportu- 
nity, and make an immediate assault on Boston. His 
opinion was overruled by a council of officers, much to 
his disappointment and chagrin. " Though we had 
been waiting all the year," said he, " for this favorable 
event, the enterprise was thought too dangerous. Per- 
haps it was ; perhaps the irksomeness of my situation 
led me to undertake more than could be warranted by 
prudence. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, that 
the enterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolu- 
tion, must have succeeded ; without it, any would fail." 
It was resolved, however, that active operations should 
commence, and that possession should be taken of 
Dorchester Heights, which might possibly bring out 
the enemy to an engagement in that quarter, and thus 
by dividing the forces in Boston, lead to a general 
attack. 

Speedy arrangements were made for executing this 
plan, and the essential part of it was effected by a body 
of troops, vrho marched in the night under the com- 
mand of General Thomas, gained the summit of the 
Heights without being discovered, and by great activity 
erected before morning such works, as would secure 
them against the enemy's shot. To divert the attention 
of General Howe, an incessant cannonade and bom- 
bardment upon the town had been kept up the two 
preceding nights, and during the same night, from 
Lechmere's Point, Cobble Hill, and Eoxbury. 

As Dorchester Heights commanded the harbor, and 
also Kook's Hill, from which the town could easily be 
annoyed by cannon and mortars, it was expected that 
the enemy v^ould attempt to dislodge the American 



152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

detachment, and that the scenes of Bunker's Hill Tvould 
again be acted over. In anticipation of such an event, 
"Washington prepared to assault the town at the same 
time on the opposite side. For this service four thou- 
sand chosen men were set apart, and put in two divi- 
sions, one under General Sullivan, the other under 
General Greene, the whole being commanded by Gen- 
eral Putnam. At a concerted signal they were to 
embark in boats, near the mouth of Charles River, at- 
tended by three floating batteries, under the fire of 
which they were to land in the town, and then act 
according to circumstances and instructions given by 
signals. 

In the event there was no occasion for this attempt. 
It was not the policy of General Howe, nor consistent 
with his designs, to bring on a general engagement. 
He remained in Boston at hisow^n discretion, it having 
been recommended to him by the ministry, several 
months before, to leave that place and repair to a 
southern port. Although he thought there were solid 
reasons against such a step, yet he did not choose to 
sacrifice his men, or run hazards, while so much rested 
on his responsibility. But when the admiral told him, 
that, unless the Americans ^vere dislodged from Dor- 
chester Heights, the King's ships could not remain in 
the harbor, he consented to detach three thousand men 
under Lord Percy for that purpose. The execution of 
the plan w^as defeated by a furious storm, which came 
on wdiile the troops were embarking. The next day 
he determined to suspend offensive operations and to 
evacuate the town. 

"Washington had regarded this result as probable ; 
and, having no other motive for tempting General 
Howe to an engagement, than that of forcing him 
from the town, it was of course accordant with 
Lis principles and his wishes, that it should be done 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 

without bloodshed. His only aim, therefore, was to 
ke'^p his post strongly guarded, and his troops ready 
for action. Humanity and policy required, also, that 
the town should be saved, if possible, from the ravage 
and destruction to which it must inevitably be exposed 
by an assault. Apprehending such an issue, after the 
Americans had planted themselves on Dorchester 
Heights, the inhabitants obtained from General Howe 
a declaration, that the town should not be destroyed, 
unless the King's troops were molested during their 
embarkation. An informal message to this effect was 
forwarded to Washington by the selectmen of the 
town, but he declined taking any notice of it, as not 
being authenticated by the name of the British com- 
mander. This proceeding was enough, however, to 
produce a tacit understanding between the parties, and 
the troops were allowed to depart without molesta- 
tion. The town was left uninjured, except from the 
natural effects of having been so long occupied by sol- 
diers, and the disorders attending so hasty an embarka. 
tion. 

Boston was evacuated on the ITth of March, and 
several regiments commanded by General Putnam im- 
mediately entered it, and took possession of all the 
posts. It was found to be very strongly fortified. 
General Washington himself went into the town the 
next day, and was received vrith enthusiasm by the 
inhabitants. The legislature of Massachusetts took an 
early opportunity to present to him an address, ex- 
pressive of their respect and attachment, their obliga- 
tions for the great services he had rendered to his 
country, and their thanks for the deference he had 
invariably shown to the civil authorities. 

Congress were not backward in rendering a due 
tribute to their Commander-in-chief. A unanimous 
vote of thanks was conveyed to him in a letter, drafted 



154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

by a committee expressly appointed for the occasion, 
and signed by the President. A gold medal was 
ordered to be struck, commemorative of the evacua- 
tion of Boston, and as an honorable token of the public 
approbation of his conduct. 

General Howe, with his army in seventy-eight ships 
and transports, sailed for Halifax. His effective force, 
including seamen, was about eleven thousand men. 
More than a thousand refugees left Boston in his fleet. 
By the adjutant's return, "Washington's army, officers 
and men, amounted to twenty -one thousand eight hun- 
dred, of which number two thousand seven hundred 
were sick. The enlistments had been more successful 
latterly than at first. There were also six thousand 
eight hundred militia, most of whom had been suddenly 
called in from the neighboring towns, to strengthen 
the lines in case of an attack on Boston. 

It was reported, while the troops were preparing to 
embark, that they were destined for Halifax ; but, 
suspecting this to be given out by the British com- 
mander, as a feint to cover his real designs, and anxious 
for the safety of Xew York, General Washington 
called for two thousand militia from Connecticut, and 
one thousand from 'New Jersey, to be thrown into that 
city without delay, which, added to the force already 
on the spot, might oppose the landing of the enemy till 
his own troops could arrive. The da}^ after the evacu- 
ation, he ordered five Continental regiments, the bat- 
talion of riflemen, and two companies of artillery to 
march under General Heath. They went by land to 
Norwich, and thence by water through the Sound. 
The whole army, except five regiments detained for 
the defense of Boston under General AVard, followed in 
divisions, pursuing the same route. Putnam was sent 
forward to take the command in New York ; Lee hav- 
ing been appointed by Congress to the southern de- 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, I55 

partment, and having hastened thither to watch the 
motions of General Clinton, who it was expected would 
make a descent somewhere on the coast at the south. 

The British fleet lingered ten days in Nantaslcet 
Road, and Washington could not venture to leave his 
post, nor indeed to order away all his army, till assured 
that the fleet had actually put to sea. "When this was 
ascertained, he set off for Kew York, passing through 
Providence, ]S^orwich, and 'New London. At Norwich 
he had an interview with Governor Trumbull, who 
came there to meet him. On the 13th of April he ar- 
rived in New York. The divisions of the army, mov- 
ing more slowly, did not unite in that place till some 
days later. 

It was soon evident, that General Howe had gone 
in another direction, and that no immediate danger 
was to be apprehended from the enemy. The British 
armed vessels, hitherto remaining in the harbor, retired 
down to Sandy Hook, twenty-five miles from the city. 
The militia from Connecticut and New Jersey were 
discharged. The first task of the Commander was to 
inspect the works begun by General Lee, direct their 
completion, and prepare other means of defense. 

The presence of General Washington being thought 
essential at Congress, for the purpose of advising with 
them on the state of affairs, and concerting arrange- 
ments for the campaign, he repaired to Philadelphia, 
leaving the army in the command of General Putnam. 
On his way he examined Staten Island and the op- 
posite Jersey shore, with the view of determining the 
proper places for works of defense. He was absent 
fifteen days. He seems to have been disappointed and 
concerned at discovering divisions in Congress, which 
portended no good to the common cause. It was 
known, from the late proceedings in Parliament, that 
commissioners were coming out with proposals of ac- 



156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

commodation. In a letter to his brother, written at 
Philadelphia, he speaks as follows : 

" I am very glad to find, that the Virginia Conven- 
tion have passed so noble a vote, and with so much 
unanimity. Things have come to such a pass now, as 
to convince us, that we have nothing more to expect 
from the justice of Great Britain ; also, that she is 
capable of the most delusive arts ; for I am satisfied, 
that no commissioners were ever designed, except 
Hessians and other foreigners ; and that the idea was 
only to deceive and throw us off our guard. The first 
has been too effectually accomplished, as many mem- 
bers of Congress, in short, the representation of whole 
provinces, are still feeding themselves upon the dainty 
food of reconciliation ; and, though they will not allow, 
that the expectation of it has any influence upon their 
judgment with respect to their preparations for de- 
fense, it is but too obvious, that it has an operation 
upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their 
proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be 
otherwise; for no man, that entertains a hope of seeing 
this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by com- 
missioners, will go to the same expense and run the 
same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who 
believes, that he must conquer, or submit to uncondi- 
tional terms, and the concomitants, such as confisca- 
tion, hanging, and the like." 

The allusion, at the beginning of this paragraph, is 
to a recent vote of the Virginia Convention, recom- 
mending to Congress to declare the United Colonies 
free and independent States, The opinion, that it was 
time for this decisive step to be taken, had been firmly 
rooted in the mind of Washington ever since he first 
saw the King's speech at the opening of Parliament, 
and understood from it the temper with which the 
British government was determined, at all events, to 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 

push its claims upon the colonies. From that moment 
his last hope of reconciliation vanished. He was con- 
vinced, that submission on terms too humiliating to be 
admitted, or a hard struggle, was the only alternative. 
From that moment, therefore, he believed the colonies 
ought to stand on the broad ground of independence. 
They could lose nothing by assuming such a position ; 
they had been driven to it by their adversaries ; 
whether from weak counsels, obstinacy, or wilful op- 
pression, it was useless to inquire ; and, if they must 
yield at last, it was better to fall nobly contending for 
freedom and justice, than to sink back into servitude, 
branded with the reproach of degrading concessions. 
Such being his sentiments, he w^as rejoiced at the spirit 
manifested in so powerful a colony as Virginia, setting 
an example which others were ready to follow, and 
leading to a union which would fix the thoughts and 
hearts of the people on a single object, encourage the 
desponding, strengthen the military arm, and give a 
new impulse to the whole country. 

Notwithstanding the hesitancy of some of the mem- 
bers of Congress, there was still a large majority for 
vigorous action ; and, while he was there, they resolved 
to reinforce the arm}^ at Isew York with thirteen 
thousand eight hundred militia, drawn from Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey ; and a 
living camp, of ten thousand more, from Pennsyl- 
vania, Maryland, and Delaware. 

On his return to New York, he lost no time in mak- 
ing preparations to receive the enemy, whose fleet was 
now expected soon to approach the coast. Besides the 
burden of his command, he was harassed with other 
difficulties. Long Island, Staten Island, many parts of 
the interior, and even the city itself, swarmed with 
disaffected persons, or Tories, who were plotting clan- 
destine and dangerous schemes. Governor Tryon, the 



158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

center of motion to this fraternity, continued on board 
a vessel at the Hook, and had his emissaries abroad in 
every direction. The Provincial Congress, either dis- 
trustful of its powers, or too much contaminated with 
the leaven of disaffection in some of its members, was 
tardy to propose, and more tardy to execute, anv plans 
for eradicating the mischief. AVashington expostu- 
lated, reasoned, urged, till at length a secret commit- 
tee was appointed to take up and examine suspected 
'persons. 

Aware of the delicacy of this subject. Congress early 
passed a resolution, by which the power of appre- 
hending Tories was put into the hands of the civil 
authority of each colony. This was a wise and politic 
ree:ulation. Much abuse and iniustice mio^ht have 
followed, if the Continental officers had been permitted 
to arrest persons upon suspicion ; whereas the local 
civil authorities, with a full knowledge of characters 
and circumstances, might proceed with proper dis- 
crimination, and avoid confounding the innocent with 
tlie guilty. That there might not be a want of power 
to execute this business effectually, the conventions, 
assemblies, and committees were authorized to employ 
a military force from the Continental army, which, in 
such cases, was bound to act under their orders. 
Many Tories were apprehended in [N'ew York and on 
Long Island ; some were imprisoned, others disarmed. 
A deep plot, originating with Governor Tryon, was 
defeated by a timely and fortunate discovery. His 
agents were found enlistino;' men in the American 
camp, and enticing them with rewards. The infection 
spread to a considerable extent, and even reached the 
General's guard, some of whom enlisted. A soldier of 
the guard was proved guilty by a court-martial, and 
executed. It was a part of the plot to seize General 
Washington and convey him to the enemy. 



Mt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. l59 

On the 28th of June, a part of the British fleet from 
Halifax arrived at the Hook. The remainder followed 
wit'jin a week, and General Howe established his head- 
quarters at Staten Island. An immediate attack was 
expected ; but such was not the purpose of General 
Howe. A fleet from England was on its way to join 
him, under the command of his brother, Lord Howe, 
the bearer of proposals from the ministry for an 
accommodation, the effect of which was to be tried 
before hostilities should be renewed. 

Whilst the enemy was thus gathering strength at 
the door of 'New York, and in sight of the American 
troops, General Washington received from Congress 
the Declaration of Independence. At six o'clock in 
the evening, the regiments were paraded, and the Dec- 
laration was read aloud in the hearing of them all. It 
was greeted with the most hearty demonstrations of 
joy and applause. " The General hopes," said the 
orders of the day, "that this important event will 
serve as a fresh incentive to every officer and soldier to 
act with fidelity and courage, as knowing, that now 
the peace and safety of his country depend, under God, 
solely on the success of our arras, and that he is now 
in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power 
to reward his merit, and advance him to the highest 
honors of a free country." The United Colonies of 
North America were declared to be Free and Inde- 
'pendent States, and from that day the word colonies is 
not knowm in their history. 

As the Americans had no armed vessels in the har- 
bor. General Howe ventured upon the experiment of 
sending two ships, one of forty and the other of 
twenty guns, with three tenders, up Hudson's Kiver. 
Taking advantage of a brisk and favorable breeze, they 
passed the batteries at New York and Paulus Hook 
without being checked, or apparently injured, the men 



160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl776. 

on the decks being protected by ramparts of sand-bags. 
The vessels ascended to a part of the river, called 
Tappan Sea, where the breadth of the water secured 
them against molestation from the land. General 
George Clinton then had command of the 'New York 
militia. He called out three regiments, and stationed 
them at different points on the banks of the river, par- 
ticularly in the Highlands, to defend those passes, and 
prevent the enemy from penetrating beyond them. 
But in reality the British general's only objects were, 
to cut off the communication by water between Wash- 
ington's army and Canada, and between the city and 
country, thereby obstructing supplies ; to give coun- 
tenance to the Tories ; and to take soundings in the 
riv^er. The vessels were absent from the fleet five 
weeks, during which time one of the tenders was burnt 
by a fire-ship sent among them by a party of Amer- 
leans. 



jBt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 



CHAPTER XT. 

Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with the Colonies. 
—Mode of addressing Letters to Washington attempted by the British 
Admiral and General. — Strength and Condition of the two Armies. — Battle 
of Long Island.— Remarks on the Battle. 

Lord Howe joined his brother at Staten Island be- 
fore the middle of July. While at sea, he had written 
a circular letter to the late royal governors in the 
colonies, presuming them to be still in power, accom- 
panied by a Declaration setting forth his authority 
as commissioner from the King, and the terms pro- 
posed for a reconciliation. These papers were put 
on shore by a flag at Amboy, whence they came to 
the hands of General Washington, Avho enclosed them 
to the President of Congress. The terms amounted 
to nothing more than a promise of pardon and 
favor to those who should return to their allegiance 
and assist in restoring public tranquillity. The papers 
were ordered to be published by Congress, that the 
people might know, as stated in the order, Avhat they 
had to expect from the court of Great Britain, and 
" be convinced that the valor alone of their country 
was to save its liberties." Lord Howe's arrival at so 
late a day, being after the declaration of independence, 
was regarded by him as a circumstance unfavorable to 
the success of his mission ; but the truth is, the propo- 
sition he brought out would not at any time have been 
listened to, as affording a reasonable ground of recon- 
ciliation. It left untouched aU the original causes of 
complaint. To suppose the ministry had any other 
hope of this measure than what was derived from the 
prowess of their formidable army and fleet, would be 

XI 



162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

a severe reflection upon their common intelligence and 
wisdom. The Americans believed it to be an attempt 
to amuse, deceive, and disunite them ; and, by a nat- 
ural reaction, it tended to increase their efforts and 
bind them more closely together. 

The day before the above papers were landed at 
Amboy, Lord Howe despatched a letter to General 
Washington by a flag, which was detained in the harbor 
by the guard-boats, till the General's orders should be 
known. He had previously determined to decline re- 
ceiving any letter from the British commanders not 
directed to him in his public character. Colonel Reed, 
adjutant-general of the army, went down to meet the 
flag, with instructions to that effect. The officer, who 
had charge of the flag, showed him a letter directed 
" To George Washington, Esq.,^^ which he said was from 
Lord Howe. It was, of course, declined. The officer 
expressed regret, said the letter was important, and 
rather of a civil than military nature, and at last 
inquired in what manner Mr. Washington chose to be 
addressed. Colonel Reed replied, that his station was 
well known, and that no doubts could properly exist 
on that point. They separated, and the flag returned 
with the letter to the fleet. In mentioning this inci- 
dent to Congress, Washington said, *' I would not upon 
any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio ; but in 
this instance, the opinion of others concurring with 
my own, I deemed it a duty to my country and my 
appointment, to insist upon that respect, which, in any 
other than a public view, I would willingly have 
waived." The course he had taken was highly ap- 
proved by Congress, and a resolve was passed, that in 
future no letters should be received from the enemy, 
by commanders in the American army, which should 
not be directed to them in the characters they sus. 
tained. 



iET. 44.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1G3 

As occasional intercourse between the chiefs of the 
two armies was necessary, for the purpose of treating 
about the exchange of prisoners and other matters, 
General Howe wrote to Washington a few days after- 
wards, repeating the same superscription. This letter 
was likewise refused. He then sent Colonel Paterson, 
adjutant-general of the British army, who was ad- 
mitted to an interview with the American commander, 
and produced a letter directed " To George Washington, 
Esq. <&G. <&G. d;c.^^ Colonel Paterson used the title of 
" Excellenc}^ " in addressing him, and said, " that Gen- 
eral Howe much regretted the difficulties which had 
arisen respecting the address of the letter to General 
Washington ; that it was deemed consistent with pro- 
priety, and founded upon precedents of the like nature 
by ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, Avhen disputes 
or difficulties of rank had arisen ; that Lord Howe and 
General Howe did not mean to deroo'ate from the 
respect or rank of General Washington ; and that they 
held his person and character in the highest esteem." 
Washington replied, " that a letter directed to a per- 
son in a public character should have some description 
or indication of it, otherwise it would appear a mere 
private letter ; and that he should absolutely decline 
any letter directed to him as a private person, when it 
related to his public station." After a good deal of 
conversation on this subject, and also on the particu- 
lars supposed to be contained in the letter. Colonel 
Pa,terson was introduced to several of the general 
officers of the American army, and then took his 
leave. In giving an account of this conference to the 
ministry. General Howe observed, "The interview 
was more polite than interesting; however, it induced 
me to change my superscription for the attainment of 
an end so desirable ; and in this view I flatter myself 
it will not be disapproved." From that time all letters 



164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

addressed by the British commanders to General 
"Washington bore his proper titles. 

General Howe remained two months at Staten 
Island, waiting for reinforcements, before he com- 
menced the operations of the campaign. This period 
was employed by "Washington in strengthening his 
works on New York Island. A fort was begun at the 
north part of the island, on a hill not far from the east 
banlc of the Hudson, which w^as called Fort Washing- 
ton ; and another nearly opposite to it on the other 
side of the river, in New Jersey, at first called Fort 
Constitution, and afterwards Fort Lee. Between these 
forts the river's channel was obstructed by hulks of 
vessels and chevaux-de-frise. Batteries were erected 
on the margins of the North and East Eivers, redoubts 
were thrown np at different places, the grounds near 
Kingsbridge were fortified, and the wliole island was 
put in as good a state of defense as the time and cir- 
cumstances would permit. Plans were concerted for 
attacking the enemy on Staten Island by parties fi^om 
the Jersey shore ; but the want of boats, and other ob- 
stacles, rendered these plans abortive. A general at- 
tack was thought unadvisable, as putting too much at 
hazard, w^hile the enemy occupied an island protected 
on every side by their fleet. 

By the middle of August the British reinforcements 
had all arrived. General Howe's strength then consisted 
of his own army from Halifax, additional troops from 
England, Hessians, several regiments from the West 
Indies and the Floridas, a detachment on board Sir 
Peter Parker's squadron, under Clinton and Cornwal- 
lis, returned from their signal repulse at Sullivan's 
Island, and such men as Lord Dunmore had brought 
with him from Virginia. The aggregate of these forces 
was probably somewhat above twenty-four thousand 
men. It has been estimated as high as thirty thou- 



^T. 41.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1(55 

sand. The fleet was numerous and well equipped ; 
and the whole armament, for both the land and sea 
service, was supplied with all kinds of military stores. 

To meet these formidable preparations, General 
Washington's army, according to a return made out on 
the 3d of August, including officers and men of every 
description, amounted nominally to twenty thousand 
five hundred and thirt^^-seven. Of these, three thou- 
sand six hundred and sixty-eight were sick, ninety- 
seven absent on furlough, and two thousand nine hun- 
dred and forty-six on command, leaving only eleven 
thousand one hundred, besides officers, present fit for 
duty. Many of these were militia, suddenly called 
from their homes, unaccustomed to arms and to the 
exposure and hardships of a camp. The season of the 
year and the Avant of tents occasioned much sickness. 
Even this small army was greatly divided, being sta- 
tioned at many points, from Brooklyn to Kingsbridge, 
over a space of more than fifteen miles in extent. 

An attack from the enemy was daily expected. As 
the waters around New York were accessible to the 
fleet and small craft, General Howe could land at 
such places as he chose, and every point was there- 
fore to be guarded. Meantime the American army grad- 
ually gained strength. The Convention of New York 
called out the militia of four counties. About three 
thousand assembled, and formed an encampment under 
General George Clinton near Kingsbridge. Three 
thousand came from Connecticut. Two battalions of 
riflemen from Pennsylvania, one from Maryland, and 
a regiment from Delaware, likewise joined the army. 

Intelligence at length arrived, that the British troops 
were landing on Long Island, between the Narrows 
and Sandy Hook. It was then apparent, that they de- 
signed to approach the city across Long Island, and 
not to attempt an immediate bombard m en t, Antici- 



166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

pating this movement, "Washington had at an early 
day posted a body of troops at Brooklyn, on a part of 
Long Island opposite to the city of New York, and 
separated from it by the East Eiver. This position 
was well secured on the land side by a chain of in- 
trenchments and redoubts, running along the high 
grounds from Wallabout Bay to Gowan's Cove ; these 
works having been constructed under the eye of General 
Greene. It was defended on the water side by bat- 
teries at Eed Hook, Governor's Island, and other points. 
Between Brooklyn and the place where the enemy 
landed, was a range of hills covered with a thick wood, 
and crossed by three roads. The precaution had been 
taken to throw up breastworks at the principal passes 
on these hills, where three or four regiments were 
stationed. General Greene at first commanded on 
Long Island, but falling ill with a fever, he was suc- 
ceeded for a short time by General Sullivan. The 
command at length devolved on General Putnam. 

The British array occupied the plain on the other 
side of the hills, extending in a line from the Narrows 
to Flatbush. General Grant commanded the left wing- 
near the coast, De Heister the center, composed of 
Hessians, and Clinton the right. About three o'clock 
in the morning, on the 27th of August, a report was 
brought to the camp, that the British were in motion 
on the road leading along the coast to the Narrows. 
A detachment under Lord Stirling was immediately 
ordered out to meet them. General Sullivan was sent 
to the heights above Flatbush, on the middle road. 
One regiment only was at this post ; and a little to the 
north of it, on the Bedford road, were two others. 
Meantime General Clinton, with Earl Percy and Corn- 
wallis, led the right wing of the British army by a cir- 
cuit into the Jamaica road, which was not guarded, 
and gained the rear of the Americans under Sullivan. 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 

Before this was accomplished, reinforcements had been 
sent from the camp to support both Sullivan and Stir- 
ling. The attack was begun at an early hour by Grant 
and De Heister, but was kept up with little spirit, as 
they were not to advance till Clinton should reach the 
left flank or rear of the Americans. As soon as it was 
known, by the sound of the guns, that this was effected, 
they pushed vigorously forward, and the action became 
general and warm in every part. The troops under 
Lord Stirling, consisting of the Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land and Delaware regiments, fought with signal bra- 
very, contesting every foot of ground against a greatly 
superior force, till Lord Cornwallis, with a detachment 
from Clinton's division, came upon their rear, brought 
them between two fires and compelled them to retreat 
within their lines across a creek and marsh near Cow- 
an's Cove. General Sullivan, with the regiments on 
the heights above Flatbush, being attacked by De 
Heister on one side and Clinton on the other, after 
making an obstinate resistance for three hours, was 
obliged to surrender. As the grounds were broken 
and covered Avith wood, the action in this part was 
conducted by a succession of skirmishes, and many of 
the troops forced their way through the enemy and re- 
turned to Brooklyn. After the battle was over, Gen- 
eral Howe encamped his army in front of the American 
lines, intending to carry them by regular approaches 
with the co-operation of his fleet. 

The issue of the day was disastrous to the Amer- 
icans. Their loss was between eleven and twelve 
hundred men, more than a thousand of whom were 
captured. General Sullivan and Lord Stirling were 
among the prisoners. The whole number engaged was 
about five thousand, who were opposed by at least 
fifteen thousand of the enemy, well provided with 
artillery. That so many escaped, was owing to the 



168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

nature of the ground, and to the action having been 
fought in detached parties, some of which were several 
miles distant from each other. The courage and good 
conduct of the troops, particularly those under Lord 
Stirling, were universally acknowledged. 

During the action General Washington crossed over 
to Brooklyn. He is said to have witnessed the rout 
and slaughter of his troops with the keenest an- 
guish, as it was impossible to detach others to their 
relief without exposing the camp to imminent danger. 
A heavy rain the next day kept the main body of the 
enemy in their tents. Light parties came out, and 
there was occasional skirmishing near the lines. A 
strong head wind prevented the ships from ascending 
the harbor. The loss sustained in the late action, the 
injury which the arms and ammunition had received 
by the rains, the great force of the enemy, and the 
probability that the ships would take advantage of the 
first favorable wind, sail into the East River, and thus 
cut off the only channel of retreat, rendered it obvious, 
that any further attempt to maintain the post at 
Brooklyn would be hazardous in the extreme. It was 
known, also, that some of the British ships had passed 
round Long Island, and were now in Flushing Bay ; 
and there were indications, that it was General Howe's 
design to transport a part of his army across the 
Sound, and form an encampment above Kingsbridge. 
This would put 'New York Island in jeopardy, and the 
forces at Brooklyn would be essential for its defense. 
A council of war was called. No time was lost in 
deliberation. It was resolved to withdraw the troops 
from Long Island. Boats were collected and other 
preparations were made without delay. On the morn- 
ing of the 30th, the whole army, amounting to nine 
thousand men, the military stores, nearly all th© pro- 
yisions, and the artillery, except a few heavy cannon. 



uEt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 

were safely laodecl in "New York. "With such secrecy, 
silence, and order, was everything conducted, that the 
last boat was crossing the river, before the retreat 
was discovered by the enemy, although parties were 
stationed within six hundred yards of the lines. 

This retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, has 
been regarded as one of the most remarkable military 
events in history, and as reflecting the highest credit 
on the talents and skill of the commander. So intense 
was the anxiety of Washington, so unceasing his exer- 
tions, that for forty-eight hours he did not close his 
eyes, and rarely dismounted from his horse. 

There have been various strictures on this battle, 
both in regard to the action itself, and to the policy of 
Washington in attempting to oppose the enemy at all 
on Long Island. The strange oversight in leaving the 
Jamaica road unguarded, and the neglect in procuring 
early and constant intelligence of the movements of 
the British army, were the immediate causes of the 
deplorable events of the day. These faults, however, 
such as they were, rested with the oflBlcers on the 
Island. General Washington had given express in- 
structions, that the strictest vigilance should be ob- 
served in every part of the outer lines. It was unfor- 
tunate that the illness of General Greene deprived the 
commander on the spot of his counsel, he being thor- 
oughly acquainted with the grounds and the roads ; 
whereas General Putnam took the command only four 
days before the action, and of course had not been 
able from personal inspection to gain the requisite 
knowledge. The want of vedettes was another unfor- 
tunate circumstance. To communicate intelligence with 
sufficient celerity over so wide a space, without light- 
horse, was impracticable. At this time, however, not 
a single company of cavalry had been attached to the 
American army. 



170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

As to the other point, the propriety of maintaining 
a stand on Long Island, it must be considered, that the 
enemy was to be met somewhere, that the works of 
Brooklyn offered a fair prospect of defense for a con- 
siderable time at least, that the abandonment of the 
Island would open a free passage to General Howe to 
the very borders of New York, separated only by the 
East Eiver, and that to retreat, without even a show of 
resistance, as the first operation of the campaign, would 
be unsatisfactory to Congress, the country, and the 
army. Besides, it was not the purpose of Washington 
to entice the enemy to a general action, or allow him- 
self to be drawn into one, if it could possibly be 
avoided. Such an experiment, with his raw troops and 
militia, against a force superior in numbers, and still 
more so in experience and discipline, aided by a pow- 
erful fleet, he Avell knew Avould be the height of rash- 
ness, and might end in the total ruin of the American 
cause. Wisdom and prudence dictated a different 
course. To wear away the campaign by keeping the 
enemy employed in small encounters, dividing their 
attention, and interposing obstacles to their progress, 
was all that could be done or undertaken with any 
reasonable hope of success. Such a system would di- 
minish the resources of the enemy, habituate his own 
soldiers to the practises of war, give the country 
an opportunity to gather strength by union and time, 
and thus prepare the way for more decisive efforts at a 
future day. This policy, so sound in its principles, and 
so triumphant in its final results, was not relished by 
the short-sighted multitude, eager to hear of battles 
and victories, and ready to ascribe the disappointment of 
their wishes to the fault of the General. The murmurs 
and complaints of such persons, though so loudly and 
widely expressed that they might be taken as denoting 
the public sentiment, were borne with fortitude by 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I71 

Washington ; nor did he suffer himself to be turned 
by them from what he believed to be his duty in 
watching over the vital interests of his country. 

By the last returns, the number of troops fit for 
duty was less than twenty thousand, and many had 
since deserted. One thousand men were immediately 
ordered to join him from the Flying Camp, then in Kew 
Jersey under General Mercer. A bounty of ten dol- 
lars had been offered to each soldier, that would enlist 
into the Continental service ; but this produced little 
effect, as the bounty to the militia was in some in- 
stances double that amount. " Till of late," he ob- 
serves, *' I had no doubt of defending 'Ne^y York ; nor 
should I have yet, if the men would do their duty ; 
but this I despair of. It is painful to give such unfavor- 
able accounts ; but it would be criminal to conceal the 
truth at so critical a juncture. Every power I possess 
shall be exerted to serve the cause ; and my first wish 
is, that, whatever may be the event, the Congress will 
do me the justice to think so." In such a situation a 
more gloomy or discouraging prospect could hardly be 
imagined. Xo trials, however, in a good cause, could 
depress the mind or unnerve the energy of Washington, 



172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 



CHAPTEE XYI. 

New York evacuated, and the British take Possession of the City. — The Amer- 
ican Army posted at Harlem Heights and Fort Washington.— Situation and 
Prospects o£ the Army.— Its new Organization.— The British land in West- 
chester County, and march into the Country. 

When General Howe had taken possession of Long 
Island, his plans began to be unfolded. The fleet came 
into the harbor, and an armed vessel passed up the 
East Eiver ; but there were no indications of an attack 
on the city. It was obvious, indeed, that he designed 
to take New York by encompassing it on the land side, 
and to refrain from a cannonade and bombardment, by 
which the city might be injured, and rendered less fit 
for the accommodation of his troops in the winter, and 
less valuable as a place to be held during the war. 
Such being clearly the aim of the British commander, 
the attention of Washington w^as next drawn to the 
best mode of evacuating the city. 

As a preparatory step he removed be3^ond Kings- 
bridge the stores and baggage least wanted. In a 
council of general officers there was a difference of 
opinion as to a total evacuation. All agreed, that the 
town would not be tenable, if it should be bombarded ; 
and it was manifest, that this might be done at any 
moment. Some were for destroying the city at once, 
and leaving it a waste, from which the enemy could 
derive no benefit. As an argument for this procedure, 
it was said two-thirds of the property belonged to 
Tories. Others thought the position should be main, 
tained at every hazard, till the army was absolutely 
driven out. A middle course was taken. It was re- 



Mt. 44.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 

solved so to dispose the troops, as to be prepared to 
resist any attack on the upper parts of the Island, and 
retreat with the remainder whenever it should become 
necessary. Nine thousand men were to be stationed 
at Mount Washington, Kingsbridge, and the smaller 
posts in the vicinity of those places, five thousand to 
continue in the city, and the residue to occupy the in- 
termediate space, ready to support either of these divi- 
sions. The sick, amounting to one-quarter of the 
whole army, were to be removed to the Jersey side of 
the Hudson. 

"While these arrangements were in progress, the 
enemy were not idle, although probably less active- 
than they would otherwise have been, in consequence 
of an interview between Lord Howe and a committee 
of Congress at Staten Island, solicited by the former 
in the hope of suggesting some plan of reconciliation 
conformable to the terms of his commission. This 
attempt proving abortive, the operations commenced 
in earnest. Four ships sailed into the East River, and 
anchored about a mile above the city. The next day 
six others followed. Parties of British troops landed 
on Buchanan's Island, and a cannonade was opened 
upon a battery at Horen's Hook. 

On the 15th of September, in the morning, three 
men-of-war ascended Hudson's River as high as Bloom- 
ingdale, with the view of dividing the attention of the 
Americans by making a feint on that side. At the 
same time General Howe embarked a strong division 
of his army, commanded by General Clinton, consisting 
of British and Hessians, at the head of Newtown Bay 
on Long Island. About eleven o'clock, these troops, 
having come into the East River, began to land at 
Kip's Bay, under the fire of two forty -gun ships and 
three frigates. Batteries had been erected there ; but 
the men were driven from them by the firing from the 



174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

ships. General Washington was now at Harlem 
^Yhithe^ he had gone the night before, on account of 
the movements of the enemy at Montresor's Island ; 
and, hearing the sound of the guns, he hastened with 
all despatch to the place of landing. To his inex- 
pressible chagrin he found the troops, that had been 
posted on the lines, precipitately retreating without 
firing a shot, although not more than sixty or seventy 
of the enemy were in sight ; and also two brigades, 
which had been ordered to their support, flying in the 
greatest confusion, in spite of every effort of their 
officers to rally and form them. It is said, that no in- 
cident of the war caused Washington to be so much 
excited, as he appeared on this occasion. He rode 
hastily towards the enemy, till his own person was in 
danger, hoping to encourage the men by his example, 
or rouse them to a sense of shame for their cowardice. 
But all his exertions were fruitless. The troops, being 
eight regiments in all, fled to the main body on 
Harlem Plains. 

The division in 'New York, under the command of 
General Putnam, retreated with difficulty, and with 
considerable loss. Fifteen men only were known to 
be killed, but more than three hundred were taken 
prisoners. Nearly all the heavy cannon, and a con- 
siderable quantity of baggage, stores, and provisions, 
were left behind. A prompt and judicious maneuver 
on the part of the British general, by stretching his 
arm}^ across the island from Kip's Bay to Hudson's 
Piver, would have cut off the rear of the retreating 
division. But this was not effected, nor were the Ameri- 
cans pursued with much vigor in their retreat. General 
Washington drew all his forces together within the 
lines on the Heights of Harlem, where they encamped 
the same night. Headquarters were fixed at Morris's 
House, a mile and a half south from Mount Washing- 



.^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 

ton, on which was situate the fort of that name. 
After sending a small detachment to take possession of 
the city, General Howe encamped with the larger part 
of his array near the American lines, his right resting 
on the East Eiver, and his left on the Hudson, sup- 
ported at each extreme by the ships in those rivers. 

The next morning. Colonel Knowlton went out with 
a party of rangers, volunteers from the 'New England 
regiments, and advanced through the woods towards 
the enemy's lines. When he was discovered. General 
Howe detached two battalions of light infantry, and a 
regiment of Highlanders, to meet and drive him back. 
To these were afterwards added a battalion of Hessian 
grenadiers, a compan}^ of chasseurs, and two field- 
pieces. On the appearance of these troops in the open 
grounds between the two camps. General Washington 
rode to the outposts, that he might be at hand to make 
such arrangements as circumstances should require. 
He had hardly reached the lines, when he heard a 
firing which proceeded from an encounter between 
Colonel Knowlton and one of the British parties. The 
rangers returned, and said that the body of the enemy, 
as they thought, amounted to three hundred men. 
Knowlton was immediately reinforced by three com- 
panies from Weedon's Virginia regiment under Major 
Leitch, and ordered to gain their rear, while their 
attention was diverted by making a disposition to 
attack them in front. 

The plan was successful. As the party approached 
in front, the enemy rushed down the hill to take 
advantage of a fence and bushes, and commenced firing, 
but at too great a distance to be effectual. Meantime 
Colonel Knowlton made an attack on the other side, 
though rather in the flank than rear, and advanced 
with spirit. A sharp conflict ensued. Major Leitch, 
who led the attack, was carried off mortally wounded, 



176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

three balls having been shot through his body ; and 
in a short time Colonel Knowlton fell. The action 
was resolutely kept up by the remaining officers and 
the men, till other detachments arrived to their sup- 
port ; and they charged the enemy with such firmness 
and intrepidity, as to drive them from the wood to the 
plain, when General Washington ordered a retreat, 
apprehending, what proved to be the case, that a 
large body was on its way from the British camp. 
The engagement, from first to last, continued four 
hours, although the sharp fighting was of short du- 
ration. General Howe reported eight officers and 
seventy privates wounded, and fourteen men killed. 
The American loss was fifteen killed, and about forty- 
five wounded. 

Colonel Knowlton was a gallant and meritorious 
officer, and his death was much lamented. The events 
of the day were important, not so much on account of 
their magnitude as of their influence on the army. 
The retreating, flying, and discomfitures, which had 
happened since the British landed on Long Island, 
contributed greatly to dispirit the troops, and to de- 
stroy their confidence in themselves and in their officers. 
The good conduct and success of this day were a proof, 
on the one hand, that the enemy was not invincible, 
and on the other, that the courage, so nobly exhibited 
at Lexington and Bunker's Hill the year before, still 
existed in the American ranks. 

The lines were too formidable on Harlem Heights 
to tempt the British commander to try the experi- 
ment of an assault. His army lay inactive on the 
plains below more than three weeks. General Wash- 
ington employed the time in strengthening his works, 
and preparing at all points for defense. His lines in 
front extended from Harlem Eiver to the Hudson, 
quite across the Island, which at this place is some- 



Mt, 44.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 177 

what more than a mile wide. General Green* com- 
manded on the Jersey side, with his headquarters at 
Fort Lee ; and General Heath at Kingsbridge, beyond 
which, on a hill towards the Hudson, a fort was erected, 
called Fort Independence. 

The subject, which now engaged the most anxious 
thoughts of Washington, was the situation and pros- 
pects of the army. We have seen that the establish- 
ment formed at Cambridge was to continue for one 
year, and the time of its dissolution was near at hand. 
He had often called the attention of Congress to this 
important subject, and pressed upon them the necessity 
of some radical alterations in the system hitherto pur- 
sued. By the experience of the past year all his first 
impressions had been confirmed, and all his fears real- 
ized, in regard to the mischievous policy of short 
enlistments, and of relying on militia to act against 
veteran troops. Disobedience of orders, shameful 
desertions, running away from the enemy, plundering, 
and every kind of irregularity in the camp, had been 
the fatal consequences. 

'' To bring men to a proper degree of subordination," 
said he, " is not the work of a day, a month, or even a 
year ; and, unha])pily for us and the cause we are 
engaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring to 
establish in the army under my immediate command 
is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture 
of troops as have been called together within these few 
months. Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regula- 
tions of war are for the government of an army, the 
militia (those properly so called, for of these we have 
two sorts, the six-montiis' men, and those sent in as a 
temporary aid), do not think themselves subject to 
them, and therefore take liberties, which the soldier is 
punished for. This creates jealousy ; jealousy begets 
dissatisfaction ; and this by degrees ripens into mu- 

13 



178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

tiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and dis- 
ordered state, rendering the time of those who wish to 
see regularity and good order prevail more unhappy 
than words can describe. Besides this, such repeated 
changes take place that all arrangement is set at 
nought, and the constant fluctuation of things de- 
ranges every plan as fast as it is adopted." 

At the close of the long and able letter to Congress, 
from which this extract is taken, his feelings under the 
trials he suffered, and in contemplating the future, are 
impressively described. 

" There is no situation upon earth less enviable, or 
more distressing than that person's who is at the head 
of troops regardless of order and discipline, and un- 
provided with almost every necessary. In a word, the 
difficulties, which have for ever surrounded me since I 
have been in the service, and kept my mind constantly 
upon the stretch ; the wounds Avhich my feelings as an 
officer have received by a thousand things that have 
happened contrary to my expectations and wishes; 
the effect of my own conduct, and present appearance 
of things, so little pleasing to myself, as to render it a 
matter of no surprise to me if I should stand capitally 
censured by Congress; a«lJed to a consciousness of 
my inability to govern an army composed of such dis- 
cordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate 
and perplexing circumstances ; — induce not only a 
belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it 
will be impossible, unless there is a thorough change 
in our military system, for me to conduct matters in 
such a manner as to give satisfaction to the public, 
which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished 
for." 

Moved by his representations and appeals, as well as 
by their own sense of the necessity of the case, Con- 
gress determined to re-organize the army on a piau 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179 

conformable in its essential features to the suggestions 
of the Commander-in-chief. :N'ot that the jealousy of 
a standing army had subsided, but the declaration of 
independence had put the war upon a footmg differ- 
ent from that on which it was before supposed to 
stand ; and they, who for a long time cherished a 
lino-erino- hope of reconciliation, were at length con- 
vin'ced that the struggle would not soon terminate, and 
that it must be met by all the means which the wis- 
dom, patriotism, and resources of the country could 
supply. As it was a contest of strength, a military 
force^ coherent in its parts and durable in its character, 
was the first requisite. To the resolute and discermng 
this had been obvious from the moment the sword was 
drawn. The events of a year had impressed it on the 

minds of all. • v^ i. <. 

The new army was to consist of eighty-eight bat» 
talions, apportioned in quotas to the several States 
according to their ability. The largest quota was fif- 
teen battalions, which number was assigned respectively 
to Yiro'iiiia and Massachusetts. The men were to 
serve during the war, this great point being at last 
gained To encourage enlistments, a bounty ot twenty 
dollars and one hundred acres of land was offered to 
each non-commissioned officer and private; and lands 
in certain quantities and proportions were likewise 
promised to the commissioned officers. The business 
of enlisting the troops to fill up the quotas, and of pro- 
vidino- them with arms and clothing, devolved upon 
the several States to which they belonged. The ex- 
pense of clothing was to be deducted from the soldier s 
pay. Colonels and all lower officers were to be ap- 
pointed by the States, but commissioned by Congress. 
The rules for the government and discipline of the 
army were at the same time revised and greatly 
amended. 



IgO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

Thus matnred, the plan was sent to the Commander- 
in-chief, and was soon followed by a committee from 
Conoress, instructed to inquire into the state of the 
army. From this committee the views of Congress 
were more fully ascertained ; but General Washington 
perceived defects in the scheme, which he feared would 
retard, if not defeat, its operation. The pay of the 
officers had not been increased ; and he was persuaded, 
that officers of character could not be induced to retain 
their commissions on the old pay. The mode of ap- 
pointing them was defective, it being left to the State 
governments, which would act slowly, without adequate 
knowledge, and often under influences not salutary to 
the interests of the army. The pay of the privates 
was also insufficient. Congress partially remedied 
these defects in conformity to his advice, by raising 
the officers' pay, giving a suit of clothes annually to 
each private, and requesting the States to send com- 
missioners to the army, with full powers to arrange 
with the Commander-in-chief the appointment of all 
the officers. "With the jealousy of Sta,te sovereignty, 
and the fear of a standing array, this was all that could 
be obtained from the representatives of the States. 
And perhaps it was enough, considering their want of 
power to execute their resolves, and the necessity of 
being cautious to pass such only as the people would 
approve and obey. The above plan was modified be- 
fore it went into effect, by allowing men to enlist for 
three years ; these men not receiving the bounty in 
land. Hence the army from that time was composed 
of two kinds of troops, those engaged for the war, and 
those for three years. At length, also, the States being 
negligent and tardy in providing for the appointment 
of officers. Congress authorized General Washington 
to fill up the vacancies. 

A circular letter was written by the President of 



^)T. 44.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 

Congress to the States, urging them to complete their 
quotas ^Yithout delay. The proper steps were imme- 
diately taken ; but an evil soon crept into the system, 
which produced much mischief throughout the war. 
To hasten enlistments, some of the States offered 
bounties in addition to those given by Congress ; and 
in many cases the towns, to which quotas were as- 
signed by the State governments, raised the bounties 
still higher, differing from each other in the amount. 
Again, Avhen the militia were called out on a sudden 
emergency, it was usual to offer them extraordinary 
rewards for a short term of service. This practise 
was injurious on many accounts. It kept back men 
from enlisting by the hope of higher bounties ; and, 
when they were brought together in the field, although 
the Continental pay was uniform, yet many were re- 
ceiving more from incidental bounties, and in various 
proportions, which created murmurings and jealousies 
between individuals, companies, and regiments. l\ov 
was there the salutary check of interest to operate as 
a restraint upon the States. The war was a common 
charge, and, when money or credit could be applied to 
meet the present exigency, it was a small sacrifice to 
be bountiful in accumulating a debt, which the conti- 
nent was pledged to pay. There could be no other 
remedy than a supreme power in Congress, which did 
not exist ; and the evil was at all times a source of 
irregularities in the military arrangements, and of 
vexation to the Commander-in-chief. 

The arduous duties of General Washington's imme- 
diate command were now increased by the task of 
organizing a new army, and holding conferences with 
commissioners from the States for the appointment of 
officers, in the midst of an active campaign, while the 
enemy were pressing upon him with a force vastly 
superior in discipline, at times superior in numbers, 



182 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

and abundantly supplied with provisions, clothing, 
tents, and ail the munitions of war. 

Sir William Howe was soon in motion. Having 
prepared his plans for gaining the rear of the American 
army, by Avhich he hoped either to cut oiT its commu- 
nication with the country, or bring on a general action, 
he first sent two ships, a frigate, and tenders up the 
Hudson. These vessels passed the batteries, and ran 
through the obstructions in the river, without receiving 
any apparent damage ; and thus secured a free passage 
to the Highlands, thereby preventing any sujiplies from 
coming to the American army by water. This experi- 
ment having succeeded even better than be had ex- 
pected, the British commander, on the 12Lh of October, 
embarked his troops on the East Eiver on board flat- 
boats, sloops, and schooners, passed through Hell Gate 
into the Sound, and landed the same day at Frog's 
Point. Two brigades of British troops, and one of 
Hessians, amounting to five thousand men, were left 
under Earl Percy at Harlem to cover the city of Kew 
York. General Howe remained five days at Frog's 
Point, waiting, as he says, for stores, provisions, and 
three battalions from Staten Island ; but, according to 
the American accounts, the strong defenses, guarded 
by detachments from Washington's arm}^, and the de- 
struction of the causeway connecting the Point Avith 
the main land, discouraged him from attempting to 
march into the country at that place. He re-embarked, 
landed again at Pell's Point, and advanced to the high 
grounds between East Chester and ISTew Eochelle. 
Four days later he was joined by General Knyphausen 
with the second division of Hessians, and a regiment 
of Waldeckers, just arrived from Europe. 



Mr, 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 



CHAPTEE XYII. 

Washfn^on advances to White Plains and forms an Encampment.— Battle of 
Chatterton's Hill.— Part of the American Army crosses the Hudson.— Ca{>- 
ture of Fort Washington and Fort Lee.— General Washington retreats 
through New Jersey, and crosses the Delaware at Trenton.— Conduct and 
Character of General Lee. — Reduced State of the Army. 

General "Washington took measures to counteract 
these movements and the designs of them. He ar- 
ranged his army in four divisions, commanded respect- 
ively by Major-Generals Lee, Heath, Sullivan, and 
Lincoln. The last was not a Continental officer, but 
had recently come forward with a . body of Massa- 
chusetts militia. It was decided in a council of war, 
that the army should leave New York Island, and be 
extended into the country, so as to outflank General 
Howe's columns. At the same time it was agreed, 
" that Fort Washington should be retained as long as 
possible." Two thousand men were left for that 
object. 

One of the four divisions crossed Kingsbridge, and 
threw up breastworks at Valentine's Hill. The others 
followed, and formed a line of detached camps, with 
intrenchments, on the heights stretching along the 
w^est side of the River Brunx, from Valentine's Hill to 
White Plains. This disposition was necessary in order 
to protect the baggage, stores, and cannon, which w^ere 
removed with great difficulty for the want of wagons 
and horses. General Washington proceeded with the 
advanced division to White Plains, where he fortified 
a camp in such a manner, as to afford security to the 
whole army, and where he intended to hazard a general 
engagement, if pushed by the enemy. The camp w^as 



184: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

on elevated ground, defended in front by two lines of 
intrenchments nearly parallel to each other, and be- 
tween four and five hundred yards apart. The right 
■wing rested on the Brunx, which, by making a short 
bend, encompassed the flank and part of the rear. 
The left wing reached to a pond, or a small lake, of 
some extent, by which it was eifectually secured. 

As Sir William Howe marched his army directly 
forward in solid columns, without detaching any con- 
siderable parties towards New York and the Hudson, 
it was evident he intended to seek an opportunity to 
force a general action. As soon as the baggage and 
stores were brought up, therefore, Washington drew 
all his troops into the camp at White Plains. In the 
interim, parties of Americans attacked the enemy's 
outposts at different points, and spirited skirmishes 
took place. 

Before noon, on the 28th of October, the British 
army came in view, and displayed itself on the sides 
of the hills in front of Washington's lines, and w^ithin 
two miles of his camp. A commanding height, called 
Chatterton's Hill, stood half a mile to the south of the 
American right flank, and was separated from it by 
the Brunx and low, marshy ground. A militia regi- 
ment had been posted there, which was joined in the 
morning by Colonel Haslet, with his Delaware regi- 
ment, and afterwards by a battalion of Maryland 
troops, and others, mostly militia, to the number of 
about sixteen hundred, the whole being under the 
command of General McDougall. The British com- 
mander made it his first object to dislodge these troops. 
For this purpose a battalion of Hessians, a brigade of 
British commanded by General Leslie, and the Hes- 
sian grenadiers under Colonel Donop, were ordered to 
cross the Brunx and attack in front ; while Colonel 
Bahl, with another brigade of Hessians, should crosfs 



^T. 44. J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185 

further down the river and advance by a circuitous 
inarch upon the American right flank. They forded 
the Brunx, and formed in good order on the other 
side under the fire of their cannon, though not without 
being galled by the troops at the summit of the hill. 
They then ascended the heights, and, after a short but 
severe action, drove the Americans from their works ; 
but, contented with gaining the post, and fearing they 
might be cut off by venturing too far from the main 
body, they desisted from pursuit. The American loss 
has been variously represented. According to a re- 
turn made by General Howe himself, the prisoners 
were four officers and thirty-five privates. The num- 
ber killed was not known. 

It was expected that this advantage would be fol- 
lowed by an immediate attack on the camp. Such in- 
deed was the first intention of General Howe, and his 
troops lay on their arms all that night. Nothing more 
occurred, however, the next day, than slight skirmishes 
between the advanced parties. On reconnoitering the 
camp. General Howe thought it too strong for an as- 
sault, and resolved to wait for a reinforcement from 
Earl Percy, then at Harlem. This arrived in two 
days, and the 31st of October was fixed on for the at- 
tack ; but a heavy rain caused it again to be deferred. 

The same night General Washington drew all his 
troops to another position on the hills in his rear, 
which the delays of his opponent had allowed him 
time to fortify, and which could be more easily de- 
fended than his first camp. So judiciously was this 
movement planned and conducted, that it was carried 
into effect without loss or molestation, and even with- 
out being discovered by the British army. The idea 
of a battle was now abandoned by General Howe ; he 
despaired of being able to dislodge the Americans 
from this strong position j and it was §oon ascertained^ 



Igg LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

that he was withdrawing his army towards the Hud- 
son and Kingsbridge. 

As this might be a feint to entice the American 
forces from the hilly countr}^ "Washington remained 
in his new camp for a few days, till it was found that 
the enemy were actually retracing their steps. It was 
then foreseen, that their first grand maneuver would 
be to invest Fort Washington ; and their next to pass 
the Hudson, and carry the war into New Jersey, and 
perhaps make a push for Philadelphia. To meet these 
changes in the best manner he could, he ordered all the 
troops belonging to the States w^est of the Hudson, 
five thousand in number, to cross the River at King's 
Ferry, all the crossing places below being obstructed by 
British vessels. The rest of the army, composed of 
New York and eastern troops, was separated into two 
divisions. One of these, under General Heath, was 
stationed on both sides of the river in the Highlands, 
to defend those passes. The other, amounting to 
about four thousand men, of whom many were militia, 
whose times of service w^ere soon to expire, was left in 
the camp near White Plains, commanded by General 
Lee, w4th discretionary instructions to continue on that 
side of the Hudson, or to follow the Commander-in- 
chief into New Jersey, as he should judge expedient 
when the designs of the enemy were unfolded. Hav- 
ing given these orders. General Washington inspected 
the posts at the Highlands, and then repaired to Hack- 
ensack, at which place the troops that had crossed the 
river assembled, after a circuitous march of more than 
sixty miles. 

General Howe moved his w^hole army to the neigh- 
borhood of Kingsbridge. At his approach the Ameri- 
cans retired from Fort Independence, destroyed the 
bridge over Harlem River, and withdrew to the lines 
near Fort Washington. Thirty flat-boats had passed 



Mt, 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 

Up the Hudson undiscovered in the night, and entered 
Harlem Eiver, which, joined to others brought in from 
the East River, afforded ample means to the British 
army for crossing to New York Island. • It was re- 
solved to make the assault on the fort from four dif- 
ferent points. The British adjutant-general was sent 
to Colonel Magaw, the commander in the fort, with a 
summons to surrender, which Colonel Magaw rejected, 
saying he would defend himself to the last extremity. 
' The next morning, l^ovember 16th, General Knyph- 
ausen advanced w^ith a body of Hessians to the north 
of the fort, and commenced the attack. Earl Percy 
nearly at the same time assailed the outer lines on the 
south ; and two parties landed at some distance from 
each other, after crossing Harlem Kiver, and forced 
their way up the steep and rugged ascents on that 
side. The lines in every part Avere defended with great 
resolution and obstinacy ; but, after a resistance of four 
or five hours, the men were driven into the fort, and 
Colonel Magaw was compelled to surrender the whole 
garrison prisoners of war. The American loss was 
about fifty killed, and two thousand, eight hundred 
and eighteen prisoners, including officers and privates. 
The number of men originally left with Colonel Ma- 
gaw w^as only two thousand ; but when the attack was 
threatened. General Greene sent over reinforcements 
from Fort Lee. 

This was the severest blow which the American 
arms had yet sustained, and it happened at a most un- 
propitious time. That there was a great fault some- 
w^here, has never been disputed. To whom it belongs, 
has been made a question. The project of holding 
the post, after the British began to retreat from White 
Plains, was General Greene's ; and, as he had com- 
manded at the station several weeks, he was presumed 
to be perfectly acquainted with the condition of the 



188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

garrison and its means of defense, and deference was 
paid to his judgment. Eight days before the attack, 
Washington wrote to General Greene : " If we cannot 
prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are 
possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable 
purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post, from 
which the expected benefit cannot be had ? 1 am 
therefore inclined to think, that it will not be prudent 
to hazard the stores and men at Mount Washington ; 
but, as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give 
such orders, as to evacuating Mount Washington, as 
you may judge best." Nothing more decisive could be 
said, without giving a positive order, which he was al- 
ways reluctant to do, when he had confidence in an 
officer on a separate command. His opinion, that the 
troops ought to be withdrawn, is clearly intimated. 
General Greene replied : " I cannot help thinking the 
garrison is of advantage ; and I cannot conceive it to 
be in any great danger. The men can be brought off 
at any time, but the stores may not be so easily re- 
moved. Yet I think they may be got off, if matters 
grow desperate." To this opinion General Greene ad- 
hered to the last. The evening before the assault, 
General Washington went from Hackensack to Fort 
Lee ; and while crossing the river, with the view of 
visiting the garrison, he met Generals Greene and Put- 
nam returning, who told him " the troops were in high 
spirits, and would make a good defense." He went 
back with them to Fort Lee. The summons to sur- 
render had already been received by Colonel Magaw ; 
the attack was expected the next morning, and it was 
now too late to withdraw the troops. 

In a letter to his brother, written from Hackensack 
three days after the surrender, General Washington 
said : " This post, after the last ships went past it was 
held contrary to my wishes and opinion, as I conceived 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 

it to be a hazardous one ; but, it having been deter- 
mined on bj a full council of general officers, and a 
resolution of Congress having been received, strongly 
expressive of their desire, that the channel of the river 
which we had been laboring to stop for a long time at 
that place, might be obstructed, if possible, and know- 
ing that this could not be done, unless there were bat- 
teries to protect the obstruction, I did not care to give 
an absolute order for withdrawing the garison till I 
could get round and see the situation of things, and 
then it became too late, as the fort was invested. 
Upon the passing of the last ships, I had given it as 
my opinion to General Greene, under whose care it 
was, that it would be best to evacuate the place ; but, 
as the order was discretionary, and his opinion differed 
from mine, it unhappily was delayed too long," 

From these facts it seems plain, that the loss of the 
garrison, in the manner it occurred, was the conse- 
quence of an erroneous judgment on the part of Gen- 
eral Greene. How far the Commander-in-chief should 
have overruled his opinion, or w^hether, under the cir- 
cumstances of the case, he ought to have given a per- 
emptory order, it may perhaps be less easy to decide. 

Sir William Howe followed up his successes. A de- 
tachment of six thousand men, led by Earl Cornwallis, 
landed on the Jersey side, six or seven miles above Fort 
Lee, gained the high grounds with artillery, and 
marched down between the Hudson and Hackensack 
rivers. The whole body of troops with Washington 
not being equal to this force, he withdrew the garrison 
from Fort Lee to the main army at Hackensack, leaving 
behind the heavy cannon, many tents, and a large 
quantity of baggage, provision, and other stores, which 
the rapid advance of the enemy made it impossible to 
secure. Being now in a level country, where defense 
was difficult, pent up between rivers, and pressed by a 



190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

force double bis own, no resource remained but a rapid 
retreat. The Jersey shore, from New York to Bruns- 
wick, was open to the British vessels, and a landing 
might be effected at any place without opposition. It 
was necessary, therefore, that he should move towards 
the Delaware, pursuing a rout near the Earitan River, 
that he might be in the way to prevent General Howe 
from throwino: a strono: detachment between him and 
Philadelphia. 

' While on the march, he wrote earnest letters to the 
governor of New Jersey and to Congress, describing 
his situation, and requesting the support of all the mi- 
litia from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, that could be 
called into the service. When he arrived at Brunswick, 
the army then with him amounted to less than four 
thousand. He was closely pursued by Cornwallis ; but 
the retreat was effected, without loss, to Trenton, 
where he crossed the Delaware, and took a stand on 
the western side of that river, securing the boats, and 
guarding the crossing-places from Coryell's Ferry to 
Bristol. At this time the number of his men, fit for 
duty, was about three thousand. The enemy did not 
attempt to pass the river. For the present, General 
Howe was contented with having overrun ]^e\Y Jersey ; 
and he covered his acquisition by a chain of canton- 
ments, at Pennington, Trenton, Bordentown, and Bur- 
lington. In these positions, the two armies continued 
with little change for nearly three weeks. 

The troops, constituting the Flying Camp heretofore 
mentioned, were all enlisted in the middle States, and 
engaged for a year. Their term of service expired 
during the march, and none, except a small pai't of 
those from Pennsylvania, could be prevailed on to 
stay longer. The Board of War suggested a plan for 
enlisting^ prisoners, and appealed to the example of the 
enemy. General Washington opposed the measure, as 



Mr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I9I 

not accordant with the rules of honorable warfare, 
and said he should remonstrate on the subject to Sir 
William Howe. He moreover thought it impolitic. 
In times of danger, such recruits would always be the 
mo;^t backward, fearing the punishment they would 
receive if captured, and communicating their fears to 
the other soldiers. Prisoners would likewise be 
tempted to enlist with the intention to desert and 
carry intelligence to the enemy, for which they would 
be largely rewarded. Under no circumstances, there- 
fore, could confidence be placed in such men ; and the 
chance was, that they would do much harm. 

From the time the army separated at White Plains, 
General Lee had acted a very extraordinary part. 
Washington requested him, in a letter written at 
Hackensack, to lead his division into New Jersey, and 
join the army on its march. This was soon followed 
by a positive order, which was often repeated. Gen- 
eral Lee sent back various excuses, lingered on the east 
side of the Hudson, endeavored to draw away two 
thousand of General Heath's men from the Highlands, 
contrary to the instructions given by General Wash- 
ington to the latter ; and, after crossing with apparent 
reluctance into Jersey, his progress was so slow, that, 
in three weeks from the time he first received orders 
to march, he had only reached Morristown. The truth 
is, that he had schemes of his own, which he was dis- 
posed to efl'ect at the hazard of disobeying the Com- 
mander-in-chief. In the first place, he hoped to make 
a brilliant stroke upon J^ew York, when it should be 
exhausted of troops for the expedition towards the 
Delaware ; and next, after crossing the Hudson, he 
still fostered the design of performing some signal ex- 
ploit by attacking the enemy in their rear. But his 
ambitious projects and hopes were suddenly cut short. 
While on his march, not far from Baskingridge, he 



192 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

lodged one night at a private house three miles from 
his army, with a small guard. A Tory in the neigh- 
borhood gave notice of his situation to the enemy, and 
early in the morning the house was surrounded by a 
part}^ of light-horse, commanded by Colonel Harcourt, 
who took him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph 
to the British camp. 

This event created a strong sensation of surprise and 
regret throughout the countr}^ The military talents, 
experience, and activity of General Lee had inspired 
universal confidence, and raised high expectations in 
the minds of the people. He had served in America 
during the last war, and afterwards wath distinguished 
reputation in different parts of Europe. His recent 
enterprise and successes at the south had confirmed 
the good opinion before entertained of his abilities and 
skill. His capture, therefore, considering the circum- 
stances, appeared inexplicable. Public sentiment, 
ever prone to extremes, took a direction unfavorable 
to his character. As no plausible reason could be as- 
signed for his conduct in exposing himself so incau- 
tiously, it was surmised that he was a voluntary 
prisoner, and sought this method of joining the enemy 
without incurring the odium of desertion. But there 
was no just ground for such a suspicion. As a soldier, 
he w^as true to the interests of his adopted country ; as 
a friend to American freedom, his sincerity may be 
questioned. Harboring the most bitter resentment 
against the British King and ministry, for reasons not 
fully understood, he wished to see them humbled ; and 
this motive alone would have impelled him to embrace 
any cause tending to such a result. 

Yiolent in his temper, hasty in his resolves, reckless 
in adventure, possessing an inordinate self-confidence 
and unbounded ambition, he looked upon the Ameri- 
can war as presenting an opportunity for gratifying at 



Mr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193 

the same time his animosity and his passion for glory. 
He entered heartily into the measures of opposition to 
the British arms, and in the first year of the contest 
rendered important services ; but, believing himself 
superior to every other officer in the American ranks, 
impatient of control even by Congress or the Com- 
mander-in-chief, and always pressing on the verge of 
disobedience, his arrogance had risen to a pitch, that 
must soon have led to mischievous consequences to 
himself, and perhaps to the country, if he had escaped 
the misfortune of captivity. He Avas a man of genius, 
well educated, and a skilful writer ; but eccentric in 
his habits, unsettled in his principles, often offensive 
in his manners, showing little deference to the opin- 
ions and feelings of others, and little regard to the 
usages of society. 

The command of Lee's division devolved on General 
Sullivan, who marched with it as soon as possible to 
the main army. Four regiments under General Gates 
also arrived from Ticonderoga, being relieved at that 
place by the retreat of General Carleton to Canada for 
winter quarters. These were all the regular forces, 
which General Washington could draw to his support. 
Heath was ordered to advance with a part of his 
division from the Highlands ; but the taking of Ehode 
Island by the British, and the threatening appearance 
of the enemy's vessels in the Sound, made it imprudent 
to weaken that post, or to call away any of the eastern 
troops, and the order was countermanded. Three 
regiments on their march from Ticonderoga were 
ordered to halt at Morristown, that, in conjunction 
with a body of militia there assembled, they might in- 
spirit the inhabitants and protect the country in that 
quarter. 

As soon as the ice should become sufficiently strong, 
it was expected the enemy would pass the Delaware, 
13 



194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

and bring all their force to bear upon Philadelphia. 
Anticipating this event, Congress adjourned to Balti- 
more. General Putnam took the command of the 
militia in Philadelphia, being instructed to throw up a 
line of intrenchments and redoubts from the Delaware 
to the Schuylkill, and prepare for an obstinate defense. 




MAP OF THE BATTLE OF TRENTON. 



Mt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 



CHAPTER XYIII. 

General Washington invested with extraordinary Powers by Congress.— His 
Manner of using them.— He recrosses the Delaware.— Battle of Trenton.— 
Battle of Princeton.— The Army goe into Winter Quarters at Morristown.— 
Remarks on these events. 

This was the gloomiest period of the war. The 
campaign had been little else than a series of disasters 
and retreats. The enemy had gained possession of 
Rhode Island, Long Island, the city of 'New York, 
Staten Island, and nearly the whole of the Jerseys, 
and seemed on the point of extending their conquests 
into Pennsylvania. By the fatal scheme of short en- 
listments, and by sickness, the effective force with 
General Washington had dwindled away, till it hardly 
deserved the name of an army. A proclamation was 
published jointly by Lord Howe and General Howe, 
offering pardon in the King's name to all, who should 
take the oath of allegiance, and come under his pro- 
tection within sixty days. Many persons, among 
whom were men of wealth and consideration, accepted 
these terms, and went over to the enemy. Others, 
especially in New Jersey, took the oath, but remained 
at their homes. In short, so great was the panic and 
so dark the prospect, that a general despondency per- 
vaded the Continent. 

In the midst of these scenes of trial and discourage- 
ment, Washington stood firm. Whatever his appre- 
hensions may have been, no misgivings were manifest 
in his conduct or his counsels. From his letters, writ- 
ten at this time on the western bank of the Delaware, 
it does not appear that he yielded for a moment to a 



196 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

sense of immediate danger, or to a doubt of ultiraat* 
success. On the contrary, they breathe the same de- 
termined spirit, and are marked by the same confidence, 
calmness, and forethought, which distinguish them on 
all other occasions. When asked what he would do, if 
Philadelphia should be taken, he is reported to have 
said : " We will retreat beyond the Susquehanna River ; 
and thence, if necessary, to the Alleghany Mountains." 
Knowing, as he did, the temper of the people, the deep- 
rooted cause of the controversy, and the actual re 
sources of the confederacy, he was not disheartened by 
temporary misfortunes, being persuaded that per- 
severance would at last overcome every obstacle. 
While even the shadow of an army could be kept 
in the field, the war must be carried on at an enor- 
mous expense by the British government, which the 
wealthiest nation could not long sustain. 

Deeply impressed with this conviction, and making 
it both the groundwork of his policy and his rule of 
action, he applied all his energies to a renovation of 
the army, boldly exposing to Congress the errors of 
their former systems, and earnestly exhorting them to 
a more effectual exercise of their authority in giving 
support and vigor to the military establishment. His 
representations had their due effect. Notwithstanding 
the extreme sensitiveness hitherto shown by Congress, 
in regard to a military ascendency, the present crisis 
was such, as to silence the opposition, if not to change 
the sentiments, of the members who had looked with 
distrust upon every measure tending to strengthen the 
military arm. General Washington was at once in- 
vested with extraordinary powers. By a formal resolve 
he was authorized to raise sixteen battalions of in- 
fantry, in addition to the eighty-eight already voted by 
Congress, and appoint the officers ; to raise and equip 
three thousand light-horse, three regiments of artillery. 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. I97 

and a corps of engineers ; to call upon any of the States 
for such aids of militia as he should judge necessary ; 
to form magazines of provisions ; to displace and ap- 
point all officers under the rank of brigadiers, and 
fill up vacancies in every part of the army ; to take 
whatever he should want for the use of the army, 
allowing the inhabitants a reasonable price for the 
same ; and to arrest and confine persons, who refused 
to receive the Continental currency, or who were other 
wise disaffected to the American cause, and to report 
them for trial to the States of which they were citizens. 
These powers constituted him in all respects a military 
Dictator. They were to continue six months ; and in 
his exercise of them he fully justified the confidence of 
Congress, as expressed in the preamble to the resolve, 
in which it is said they were granted in consequence of 
a perfect reliance on his wisdom, vigor, and upright- 
ness. 

In this case, as in all others where power was in- 
trusted to him, whether acting in a military or civil 
capacity, he was cautious to exercise it no further than 
to effect the single end for which it was designed. 
Fearless in the discharge of duty, and never shrinking 
from responsibility, he was at the same time free from 
the vanity, which too often besets men in high sta- 
tionsj of gaining personal consequence by making him- 
self felt as the center and moving spring of the opera- 
tions over which he had control. JSTo man was more 
vigilant in seeing that everything was properly done ; 
but he was willing that others should be the agents, or 
the contrivers, and that ever}^ one should have the 
credit and the praise of his worthy deeds. In the 
present instance, therefore, when Congress or the gov- 
ernments of the States voluntarily relieved him from 
a part of his task, which they sometimes did while he 
possessed the dictatorship, so far was he from thinking 



198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

it an encroachment on his authority or an inter- 
ference, that he expressed saticif action and thanks. 

To the main point, however, of reforming and re- 
cruiting the army, he gave his immediate and earnest 
attention. In advancing this object, he employed the 
powers with which he was invested to their fullest ex- 
tent. The mode of appointing officers was one of the 
most serious defects in the system recently established 
by Congress. Some of the States had neglected to com- 
plete their appointments; and generally these Avere 
made with so little judgment, and with such a disre- 
gard of military rules, that officers without worth or 
experience had been put over the heads of those, who 
were accustomed to service, and had given proofs of 
their valor and ability. By his power to displace and 
to fill up vacancies, AYashington rectified these errors as 
far as prudence would permit. The appointments for 
the sixteen additional battalions of infantry, and the 
new regiments of light-horse, artillery, and engineers, 
being wholly in his hands, he took care to provide for 
meritorious officers, who had been overlooked by the 
States ; thus removing their disgust, securing a valu- 
able accession to the army, and inducing many privates 
to re-enlist, who had participated in the dissatisfaction 
of their officers. 

Before these measures for arranging the army were 
matured, other events of great importance occurred, 
which o-ave a new face to affairs. From the moment 

o 

Washington crossed the Delaware, his thoughts were 
turned upon devising some method to retrieve his 
losses, or at least to impede the progress and derange 
the plans of the enemy. For several days he was un- 
certain what course General Howe would pursue. 
The river continued free from ice longer than was 
expected. He kept his detachments cantoned at the 
places where they had first been lodged, the strongest 



p 




^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199 

being at Brunswick, ready to move in any direction at 
a short notice. Meantime the American force had 
gained accessions by Lee's division, the regiments from 
Ticonderoga, and the militia from Philadelphia and 
the eastern parts of Pennsylvania, who turned out 
with spirit and in considerable numbers. These latter 
troops were in two bodies, one at Bristol under General 
Cadwalader, the other nearly opposite the town of 
Trenton, commanded by General Ewing. The Con- 
tinental regiments were still retained in their original 
position higher up the river. 

At length General Washington resolved to hazard 
the bold experiment of recrossing the Delaware, and 
attacking the enemy on their own ground. At Tren- 
ton were three regiments of Hessians, amounting to 
about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British light- 
horse. Small detachments were stationed at Borden- 
town, Burlington, Black Horse, and Mount Holly. 
These latter posts were to be assaulted by Cadwalader, 
who was to cross near Bristol, while Washington 
should cross above Trenton, and Ewing a little below, 
and unite in the attack upon the Hessians in that 
place. The night of the 25th of December was fixed 
on for making the attempt. 

At dusk, the Continental troops selected for the 
service, and commanded by General Washington in 
person, amounting to two thousand four hundred men, 
with twenty pieces of artillery, began to cross at Mc- 
Konkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, and it was 
supposed they would all be passed over by twelve 
o'clock; but the floating ice retarded the boats so 
much, that it was almost four o'clock in the morning 
before the whole body, with the artillery, was landed 
on the opposite bank of the river ready to march. The 
troops were then formed in two divisions. One of these, 
commanded by General Sullivan, marched in the road 



200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1"6. 

near the river ; and the other, led by General Greene, 
Zled do^vn a road further to the left, called the Pen- 
Xlton road. General Washington ^vas with this 
divfs on The roads entered the town at different 
tints and as the distance by each was nearly the 
sa^e it was intended that the attacks should begin 
Staneously. At eight o'clock the left division fell 
rS t iTeSei^y's adt^anced guard, and almost at the 
same instant a firing was heard on the right, whi h 
showed that the other division had arrived They 
both pushed forward into the town, meeting with little 
oppo ition, except from two or three pieces of artillery, 
S were soon taken. The Hessians, being driveri 
from the town and hard pressed, made a show of re- 
treating towards Princeton, but were checked by a body 
of tiUp« sent to intercept them. F.ndmg themselves 
surrounded, and seeing no oths. way of escape, they 
all surrendered prisoners of war. 

The nu>«ber of prisoners was twenty-three officers 
and ei-ht hundred and eighty-six privates Others 
tvere found concealed in houses, making m the whole 
Tbont a thousand. The British light-horse, and four 
or five hundred Hessians, escaped at the beginning of 
the action over the bridge across the_ Assunpink and 
flld to Bordentown. Six brass fieldpieces and a thou- 
iiKl :tandof arms were the trophies of victory. Colo- 
nel Eahl, the Hessian commander, and a gallant 
ier, wLs mortally wounded. Six other officers and 
between twenty and t^^ty men were ki led. The 
\merican loss was two privates killed and two others 
tZTlo death. Captain William Washmgton, dis- 
tin'ulhed as an ofiicer of cavalry at a later period of 
hew, and Lieutenant Monroe, afterwards President 
of the United States, were wounded ma brave and 
successful assault upon the enemy s a-tiUerj ilae 
fact, that two men died by suffermg from cold, is a 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 

proof of the intense severity of the weather. It 
snowed and hailed during the whole march. 

The ice had formed so fast in the river below Tren- 
ton, that it was impracticable for the troops under 
Cadwalader and Ewing to pass over at the times agreed 
upon. Cadwalader succeeded in landing a battalion 
of infantry ; but the ice on the margin of the stream 
was in such a condition, as to render it impossible to 
land the artillery, and they all returned. If Ewing 
bad crossed, as was proposed, and taken possession of 




RAHL'S HEADQUAKTERS, TRENTON. 

the bridge on the south side of the town, the party that 
fled would have been intercepted and captured. And 
there was the fairest prospect that Cadwalader would 
have been equally fortunate against the detachments 
below, or have driven them towards Trenton, where they 
Avould have met a victorious army. This part of the 
plan having failed, and the enemy being in force at 
Princeton and Brunswick, it was thought advisable by 
General Washington not to hazard anything further, 
especially as his men were exhausted with fatigue. 
He recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners the same 
day, and gained his encampment on the other side. 
The British and Hessian troops posted at Borden- 



202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

town, and in the vicinity of that place immediately 
retreated to Princeton, so that the whole line of the 
enemy's cantonments along the Delaware was broken 
up and driven back. As soon as his troops were re- 
freshed, General Washington again passed over the 
Delaware, and took up his quarters at Trenton, re- 
solved to pursue the enemy, or adopt such other 
measures as his situation would justify. Meanwhile 
General Cadwalader succeeded in crossing over with 
eighteen hundred Pennsylvania militia, who were 
followed by as many more under General Mifflin, all 
of whom formed a junction with the main army at 
Trenton. 

At this critical moment the term of service of sev- 
eral regiments expired, the dissolution of the old army 
occurring on the last day of the year ; and, worn down 
with the extraordinary hardships of the campaign, the 
men seemed at first determined to go off in a body, 
and return to their homes. By much persuasion, how- 
ever, and the exertions of their officers, seconded by a 
bounty of ten dollars to each man, more than half of 
them agreed to remain six weeks longer. 

It was not presumed that Sir William Howe would 
lon g per mit the Americans quietly to possess the ad- 
vantages^trrer^iad gained, or delay to retaliate for the 
disasters his army had suffered. lie was now in Isew 
York ; and, when the intelligence of the late events 
^^ached that city, he ordered Lord Cornwallis, then on 
S-^e ev'^^of embarking for Europe, to suspend his de- 
parture, and take command in the Jerseys. This 
officer hastened to Princeton, followed by additional 
forces from Brunswick. In the morning of the 2d of 
January, it was ascertained that the enemy's battalions 
were marching towards Trenton, and General Wash- 
ington prepared to meet an attack. To harass them 
on their march, and retard their progress, he sent out 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 

strong parties on the road to Princeton, with orderi to 
skirmish at every advantageous position. 

These orders were faithfully obeyed, and the head 
of the enemy's columns did not reach Trenton till four 
o'clock in the afternoon. The American army then 
retired to the high ground beyond the Assunpink. 
The bridge was defended by artillery, and a sharp 
cannonade was kept up, particularly at that point, and 
at the fords above the bridge, which the enemy at- 
tempted to pass. At dusk the firing ceased, and Lord 
Cornwallis encamped his troops near the village, in- 
tending to renew the combat in the morning, w^hen his 
reinforcements should arrive. The Americans en- 
camped on the ground they occupied after crossing 
the Assunpink, and the fires kindled by the two armies 
were in full view of each other. 

To all appearance a general action must be fought 
the next day, and this with fearful odds, as the Brit- 
ish were superior in numbers, and immeasurably so in 
the discipline and experience of their men ; for more 
than half of the American army consisted of militia, 
who had never seen a battle, and had been but a few 
days in the service. At the beginning of the evening 
General Washington assembled his officers in council, 
and a bold resolution was adopted. From the number 
of Lord Cornwallis's troops it was rightly conjectured 
that he could not have left many in the rear ; and 
it was decided to move by a concealed march on 
the east side of the Assunpink to Princeton. If no 
-obstacles were met with on the way, it was possible 
that the army might push onward to Brunswick, sur- 
prise the enemy there, and capture the stores before 
Lord Cornwallis could return. To secure his baggage 
and prevent it from encumbering the army, General 
Washington ordered it to be silently removed to Bur- 
lington, and at twelve o'clock at night commenced his 



204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

march. That the suspicion of the enemy might not 
be awakened, the fires were kept burning, and the 
guards were ordered to remain at the bridge and the 
fords till the approach of daylight, when they were to 
follow. Men were employed during the night digging 
an intrenchment so near the enemy's sentries, that they 
could be heard at their work. 

Pursuing a circuitous route. General Washington 
reached Princeton a little after sunrise. Three Brit- 
ish regiments were found there, being the seventeenth, 
fortieth, and fifty-fifth, commanded by Colonel Maw- 
hood, two of which were designed to reinforce Lord 
Cornwallis that morning at Trenton. These two were 
already on their march. The American vanguard first 
engaged the seventeenth, and a short but very severe 
conflict ensued. The regiment was thrown into dis- 
order, and the fragments dispersed. Some accounts 
say that they broke through the American ranks ; 
others, that they fled. At any rate, after a brave 
resistance, they escaped from the field, and regained 
the road to Trenton, The rencounter was likewise 
sustained with spirit by the fift3^-fifth regiment, which 
finally retreated towards Brunswick, as did also the 
fortieth, which took little part in the action. The 
British loss was more than one hundred killed and 
about three hundred prisoners. 

But the victory was by no means a bloodless one 
to the Americans. General Mercer was mortally 
wounded; and Colonel Haslet, Colonel Potter, and 
other officers of subordinate rank were killed. Gen- 
eral Mercer was a Scotchman by birth, and in his 
youth had been in the battle of CuUoden. He served 
in America with distinction during the last French 
war, and afterwards settled in Yirginia. He was a 
brave and worthy man, an intimate friend of the 
Commander-in-chief, much respected for his talents, 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 

military character and private worth, and his death 
was deeply lamented. Colonel Haslet had distin- 
guished himself for bravery and good conduct in the 
battles of Long Island and Chatterton's Hill, and in 
several hazardous enterprises. Throughout the action, 
General Washington exposed his person in the hottest 
parts of the combat, giving orders and animating the 
troops. At the request of the prisoners. Captain 
Leslie, a British officer much beloved by them, and 
killed in the action, was buried with military honors 
in the American camp. 

"When daylight appeared, and it was discovered that 
the Americans were gone, Lord Cornwallis easily pene- 
trated the plans of Washington, and his conjecture was 
confirmed by the firing heard in the direction of Prince- 
ton. Alarmed for the safety of Brunswick, he immedi- 
ately retreated, and his van had almost reached Prince- 
ton when the rear of the American army left it. 
Washington pursued the two fugitive regiments as far 
as Kingston, where he turned short to the left and 
arrived the same evening at Pluckemin, having twice 
crossed the Millstone Piver, and caused the bridge at 
Kingston to be taken up, in order to retard the march 
of the enemy. Considering the exhausted state of his 
men, who had not slept for thirty-six hours, and the 
near approach of Cornwallis with a superior army of 
fresh troops, he thought it prudent to abandon his de- 
sign upon Brunswick, contenting himself with his suc- 
cess at Princeton, and with having drawn the enemy 
from all their posts on the Delaware. 

At Pluckemin he remained no longer than to give 
his troops rest and refreshment, and then advanced to 
Morristown, where his winter quarters were finall}^ estab- 
lished. This was not in all respects so favorable a situ- 
ation as he desired : but it was in a mountainous reirion, 
difficult of access to the enemy, and surrounded by a 



206 LIFE OF WxlSHINGTON. [1776. 

fertile country affording abundant supplies. He did 
not sit down idle, however, nor trust to the barriers of 
nature for his protection. Unprovided as his men were 
with almost everything necessary for a winter cam- 
paign, he sent out detachments to assail and harass 
General Howe's troops ; and with such vigor and ad- 
dress were these expeditions conducted, that in a short 
time not a single British or Hessian regiment remained 
in the Jerseys, except at Brunswick and Amboy, be- 
tween which places and ]^ew York was an open com- 
munication by water. 

Such were the splendid results of General "Washing- 
ton's plans and operations from the time he determined 
to recross the Delaware. When his army was thought 
to be on the verge of annihilation, and the whole world 
regarded American liberty as struggling in the last 
stage of its existence, he commenced and pursued an 
offensive warfare against a hitherto victorious army, 
strong in numbers and confident in its strength, and, 
within the brief space of three weeks dislodged it from 
every post it had taken along the Delaware Eiver, re- 
lieved Philadelphia from danger, and recovered almost 
the whole province of JSTew Jersey. The glory of 
these achievements was rendered doubly conspicuous by 
their immediate effects. The despondency which had 
Aveighed heavily upon the minds of the people, was 
dispelled as by a charm, the martial spirit was re- 
vived, and a new animation infused into the public 
counsels. 



^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 



CHAPTER XIX. 

General "Washington's Proclamation.— His Preparations for the next Cam- 
paign.— Exchange of Prisoners.— Condition of the American Prisoners in 
New York.— Military Operations in New Jersey.— The Army crosses the Del- 
aware and encamps near Germantown.— Washington's first Interview with 
Lafayette. 

Headquarters being at Morristown, the central or 
main division of the army was encamped for the win- 
ter near that place in huts temporarily constructed for 
the purpose. Cantonments were likewise established 
at various points from Princeton on the right, where 
General Putnam commanded, to the Highlands on the 
left, which post continued under the charge of General 
Heath. Skirmishes often happened between the Amer- 
can advanced troops and the enemy's foraging parties. 
For six months, however, no enterprise of magnitude 
was undertaken on either side. 

Sir William Howe's proclamation, as we have seen, 
had produced considerable effect in the Jerseys. Not 
only the disaffected, but many well disposed citizens, 
finding themselves in the power of the enemy, had 
sought protection for their families and their property 
by taking an oath of allegiance to the King. Their 
hopes had been fatally disappointed. With such li- 
cense had the British and Hessian troops overrun the 
country, that they plundered, burnt, and destroyed 
whatever came in their way, and in some instances 
committed the greatest outrages upon the inhabitants, 
without discriminating between friends and foes. In 
one respect this conduct was serviceable to the cause 
of the patriots. It roused the indignation of the 



208 Life of WaSHIMUTON. [1777. 

people, and, goaded by the deep feeling of their wrongs, 
the militia flew to arms with an alacrity and deter- 
mination not surpassed on any former occasion. A 
large nmnber of substantial farmers, however, more 
pacific in their dispositions, who had taken advantage 
of the proclamation, professed scruples in regard to 
their oath. They looked upon their pledge as binding 
them at least to a passive neutrality. 

To remove this difficulty, and draw a proper line of 
distinction between friends" and enemies, General 
Washington issued a counter proclamation, command- 
ing all persons, who had received protection from the 
British commissioners, to repair to headquarters or to 
some general officer of the army, to deliver up such 
protections, and take an oath of allegiance to the 
United States ; " nevertheless granting full liberty to all 
such, as preferred the interest and protection of Great 
Britain to the freedom and happiness of their country, 
forthwith to withdraw themselves and their families 
within the enemy's lines." Thirty days were allowed 
for complying with this order, at the end of which 
period, those, who had neglected or refused to comply, 
were to be deemed as adherents to the King of Great 
Britain, and treated as enemies to the American 
States. 

Strange as it may be thought, the publishing of this 
proclamation was considered an undue exercise of 
power. Even in Congress it was censured by some of 
the members. The legislature of New Jersey more 
than hinted, that it was an encroachment on their pre- 
rogatives. An oath of allegiance to the United States 
was said to be absurd before the confederation was 
formed, and the power of requiring such an oath was 
claimed exclusively for each State. Hence the opposi- 
tion arose, not from an impartial view of the abstract 
merits of the act, but from the jealousy of State 



Mt. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 

sovereignty. Fully convinced, however, of the neces- 
sity, reasonableness, and equity of the measure, Wash- 
ington adhered to it, and instructed his oiRcers 
accordingly, willing, as in all other cases, to risk his 
own popularity in promoting the public interests. 

His first care, after putting the troops in winter- 
quarters, was drawn to the completion of the army for 
the next campaign ; and he wrote circular letters to the 
governors of the middle and eastern States, urging 
them in the strongest terms to adopt prompt and 
effectual methods for raising recruits and filling up 
their regiments. His efiicient strength through the 
winter was so small, that prudence required him to use 
the expedient, to which he was often driv^en, of magni- 
fying his numbers to the public, lest the enemy, be- 
coming acquainted with his weakness, should make a 
sudden and rapid movement upon him, and obtain an 
easy victory. This deception, so essential to his safety, 
operated unfavorably ; since it gave the impression 
that his army was much larger than it really was, and 
diminished the efforts of the States to ])rovide season- 
able reinforcements. It was only in the midst of a 
campaign, when the enemy were in motion, that the 
people thought of danger ; and then it was often too 
late to make proper exertions for increasing the army. 

To stimulate the activity of the States, by forcible 
and reiterated representations to the governors and 
legislatures, by argument, persuasion, and appeals to 
every motive of pride, honor, and patriotism, was the 
task which he was obliged to repeat every winter ; and 
this was a source of unceasing anxiety from the time 
the troops went into quarters, till they again took the 
field to combat the enemy. Congress, embarrassed by 
the novelty of their duties and the indefinite nature of 
their powers, deliberated with caution, and were sel- 
dom ready to act in military affairs, till incited by th© 
14 



210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

counsels or earnest entreaties of the Commander-in- 
chief. For several months he had urged upon them 
the necessity of a larger number of general officers in 
the army, and in February five additional major- 
generals and ten brigadiers were appointed. 

On this subject he al\va3'S spoke with delicacy in his 
letters, rarely expressing an opinion as to the qualifi- 
cations of individuals, and avoiding equally the appear- 
ance of partiality and of a wish to interfere in any de- 
gree with the appointing power. Various consider- 
ations produced delays and sometimes contentions 
in Congress respecting military appointments. Local 
predilections interposed the chief obstacles. The 
claims of the respective States were to be regarded, 
according to which the general officers were to be taken 
from each in proportion to the number of troops it 
furnished. By this rule the best officers in the country 
could not be selected, if it happened that more than 
one or two resided in the same State. Moreover there 
were frequent disagreements among the delegates of a 
particular State, in regard to the comparative merits 
of the candidates of such State, especially when the 
pretensions of each were supported by the influence of 
friends or parties. This mode of appointing officers 
not only brought some into the service, who were in- 
competent to their high station, but created dissensions 
in the army about rank, and added to the many trou- 
bles that harassed the Commander-in-chief. 

Soon after General Howe arrived at Staten Island 
from Halifax, a correspondence was opened between 
him and General Washington respecting the exchange 
of prisoners; and it was mutually agreed, that offi- 
cers should be given for officers of equal rank, soldier 
for soldier, and citizen for citizen. Exchanges were 
effected upon this basis till the capture of General 
Lee. The British commander chose to consider that 



^T. 45. j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 

officer in the light of a deserter from the King's serv- 
i<je, although he had resigned his commission before 
he joined the American army ; and, in conformity 
with this view of his character, he was kept in more 
rigorous confinement than other prisoners of war. It 
was also understood, that he was to be tried by a court- 
martial. When these facts came to the knowledge of 
Congress, they thought it necessary, in support of their 
own dignity, and for the protection of their officers 
who might fall into the enemy's hands, to adopt ener- 
getic and decisive measures, and immediately resolved 
on severe retaliation. They decreed, that Colonel 
Campbell, a British prisoner in Massachusetts, and live 
Hessian field-officers taken at Trenton, should be sub- 
jected to precisely the same treatment as General Lee. 
The consequence was, that Colonel Campbell was con- 
fined in a common jail, and the Hessian officers, who 
had been sent to Virginia, were deprived of the privi- 
leges usually granted to prisoners of war. General 
Washington at once saw the injurious tendency of this 
hasty and premature act of retaliation, and remon- 
strated strenuously against it. 

On the other hand the American prisoners, who had 
been taken at Fort Washington and confined in New 
York during the winter, had endured such sufferings 
as to excite universal indignation, and reflect reproach 
on the British commander. This is not the place to 
investigate the causes ; but the fact is indisputable. 
A large proportion of them sunk under their sufferings 
and died ; and, when others were sent out for exchange 
in the spring, they were so much emaciated and broken 
down, so totally unfit for service, that General Wash- 
ington refused to return for them an equal number of 
healthy British or Hessian prisoners. Sir William 
Howe said this refusal was a violation of the rule for 
exchange, which had been agreed upon between them ; 



212 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

and, although he could not deny the facts, yet he de- 
clared the prisoners had been treated as well as his 
circumstances would permit, and been provided with 
everything necessary for their comfort. 

These difficulties interrupted for some time the ex- 
change of prisoners. It should nevertheless be said, 
to the credit of Sir William Howe, that the retaliatory 
act of Congress did not influence his conduct towards 
the American prisoners ; and it should also be added, 
that a want of humanity was never alleged to be a 
trait of his character. The sufferings of the unfortu- 
nate men in J^ew York were probably to be attributed 
more to his inattention, tlian to any direct order ; but 
this apology, if indeed it can be called an apology, is far 
from amounting to a justification. lie wrote a state 
of the affair to the British government, particularh^ 
respecting General Lee ; and the ministry decided that 
he should thenceforward be retained as a prisoner 
of war, although they had previously transmitted 
an order requiring him to be sent to England. This 
change of purpose was dictated by polic}^ General 
Howe having intimated that any evil, which might 
befall the Hessian officers in consequence of the deten- 
tion of General Lee, would have a bad effect on the 
troops of that nation serving in America. 

The winter passed away, and the spring was far 
advanced before the British commander gave any in- 
dications of his designs for the campaign. His rein- 
forcements from Europe arrived later, and in smaller 
numbers, than he anticipated ; and he was obliged to 
curtail the plans, which he had suggested to the min- 
istry the preceding autumn. 

That he might not seem to be idle, he sent up the 
Sound a detachment of two thousand men under 
Governor Tryon, who landed in Connecticut, marched 
into the country, and destroyed the public stores at 



^T. 45.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 213 

Danbury. They were bravely met by the militia and 
a few Continental troops, who harassed them on their 
march, and pursued them back to their boats. In the 
rencounters with the enemy on their retreat, General 
Wooster and General Arnold were wounded. The 
former died of his wounds. 

At length General Howe enlarged his force at 
Brunswick and began to build a bridge there, so 
constructed as to be laid on flat boats, which it was 
supposed he intended to transport overland to the 
Delaware, and use in crossing that river. Meantime 
General Washington collected at Morristown the 
troops, which had been enlisted into the new army in 
Virginia and the middle States, and ordered those 
from the eastward to assemble at Peekskill on the 
Hudson. The want of arms, hitherto severely felt, 
was opportunely supplied by the arrival of two ves- 
sels from France, containing twenty-four thousand 
muskets. 

ISTear the end of May he drew his main army to a 
very strong position at Middlebrook, only nine miles 
from Brunswick, and prepared to contest the passage of 
the enem}-, should they attempt to move towards the 
Delaware. On the 13th of June, the British army 
marched from Brunswick, commanded by Sir William 
Howe in person, and stretched itself several miles into 
the countrv, well fortified on the right at Brunswick, 
and secured in front by the Baritan, and on the left 
by the Millstone. This position was occupied six days. 
The object of this maneuver was to bring on a gen- 
eral action. Washington was too cautious, however, 
to be tempted into such a snare at a great disadvan- 
tage with his raw troops, but he determined to defend 
his ground in any event. Kot choosing to run the 
hazard of an attack, General Howe returned with his 
whole army to Brunswick, and in a short time evacuated 



214: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

that place and retreated to Amboj. Three regiments, 
detached under General Greene, fell upon his rear, 
pursued hira as far as Piscatawa, and did consider- 
able execution. Washington then advanced towards 
the enemy with his main force to Quibbletown. Find- 
ing him thus drawn from his strong post, Sir William 
Howe marched suddenly into the country with all his 
troops seven or eight miles to Westfield, evidently 
seeking to turn the American left, and gain the high 
grounds. To counteract this attempt, Washington 
retired again to Middlebrook ; and the only result of 
these movements was some smart skirmishing between 
the advanced parties of the two armies, with little loss 
on either side. Thus foiled in all his maneuvers for 
bringing on a general engagement, Sir William Howe 
crossed over to Staten Island, using for that purpose 
the floating bridge constructed at Brunswick, and 
entirely evacuated the Jerseys. 

The very next day Washington received the first 
intelligence, that Burgoyne was approaching Ticon- 
deroofa with a formidable armv. For some time it had 
also been reported by spies and deserters, that a fleet 
of large vessels and transports was preparing in the 
harbor of New York, Avith the apparent object of an 
expedition by water. At first it was not doubted, 
that this armament was destined against Philadelphia. 
But the news from the north cast a cloud of uncer- 
tainty over all the enemy's schemes. It now seemed 
more probable, that concerted operations between 
Howe and Burgo3'ne were in view, and that the former 
would speedily ascend the Hudson to form a junction 
with the latter. The fitting out of the fleet, it was 
supposed, might have the double aim of a feint to de- 
ceive the Americans into a belief that some distant 
operation by sea was intended, and of actually pre- 
paring to transport troops up the Hudson. It was 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 215 

likewise conjectured, that an attack on New England 
was meditated, with the view of creating a diversion 
in favor of Burgoyne ; and this was in fact a part of 
Howe's original plan, which he abandoned in conse- 
quence of the deficiency of his reinforcements from 
Europe. 

This state of things was peculiarly embarrassing to 
Washington. While it was necessary for him to 
watch every point, it was still more so, that he 
should be at hand to meet the blow wherever it should 
be struck. The great object, at which the British had 
been aiming from the beginning of the war, namely, a 
possession of Hudson's Kiver and the communication 
with Canada, thus separating the eastern and southern 
States, was so important, that he could not doubt this 
to be the special intent of Burgoyne's expedition; and 
yet he had seen so many evidences of General Howe's 
designs upon Philadelphia, that he was unable to re- 
linquish his conviction of their reality. The immedi- 
ate danger, however, was on the Hudson, to guard 
against which he despatched two regiments to Peeks- 
kill, and prepared to follow with his whole army. 

This movement required caution and delay ; for, 
should he withdraw his force too soon from the center 
of Jersey, Sir William Howe might land his troops at 
South Amboy, and march to Philadelphia before he 
could be overtaken. But, when it Avas known, that the 
enemy had actually embarked on board the fleet, 
Washington moved slowly towards the Plighlands by 
way of Morristown and Eamapo, advancing as far as 
the Clove, and at the same time detaching Lord Stir- 
ling with a division to Peekskill. At this juncture the 
fleet dropped down to the Hook and went to sea. 
Waiting no longer than to be convinced of the absolute 
departure of the fleet, he immediately began to retrace 
his steps. The two divisions under Sullivan and Stir- 



216 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

ling, which had crossed the Hudson to Peekskill, were 
recalled, and the army pursued various routes to the 
banks of the Delaware. There he resolved to sta}^ till 
he should receive further intelligence of the British 
fleet; for it was still possible that it might return to 
"New York and ascend the Hudson. 

IS'ews soon came, however, that it had been seen at 
the Capes of the Delaware, and its destination was then 
thought to be no longer doubtful. The army marched 
to Germantown, where it would be in readiness to de- 
fend the city of Philadelphia, and the General himself 
hastened forward to Chester. He there learned that 
the fleet had left the Capes and steered eastward. All 
his calculations were again baffled ; for it was naturally 
inferred from the course taken by the fleet, that Gen- 
eral Howe would either go directly back to ISTew York, 
or to some place on the coast of Kew England, and 
co-operate with Burgoyne. Till this point was settled 
by certain information, nothing could be done. The 
army continued at Germantown, prepared to march at 
a moment's Avarning, except Sullivan's division and 
some other regiments, which were ordered to take post 
in New Jersey. 

During this suspense General AYashington passed 
two or three days in Philadelphia, holding conferences 
with committees and members of Congress. It was 
here that he had his first interview w^ith the Marquis 
de Lafayette. The enthusiastic zeal with which that 
young nobleman had embraced the American cause, his 
romantic adventures in leaving his own country and 
crossing the Atlantic, and the incidents which befell 
him on his arrival, are well known ; and the part he 
acted during the war, his influence in gaining effectual 
aid from the French government, his deep and lasting 
attachment to Washington, the ardor and consistency 
with which he adhered to the interests of his adopted 



Mt. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217 

country to the end of his life, and the affection which 
the people of that country have ever manifested for 
his person and character, all conspire to make the day 
on which he entered the service one of the most 
romarkable in the Eevolution. 

When Lafayette arrived in Philadelphia, he put his 
letters into the hands of Mr. Lovell, Chairman of the 
Committee of Foreign Affairs. lie called the next day 
at the Hall of Congress, and Mr. Lovell came out to 
him and said, that so many foreigners had offered them- 
selves for employment, that Congress was embarrassed 
with their applications, and he was sorry to inform him 
there was very little hope of his success. Lafayette 
suspected his papers had not been read, and he im- 
mediately sat down and wrote a note to the President 
of Congress, in which he desired to be permitted to 
serve in the American army on two conditions ; first, 
that he should receive no pay ; secondly, that he should 
act as a volunteer. These terms were so different 
from those demanded by other foreigners, and pre- 
sented so few obstacles on the ground of an interference 
with American officers, that they were at once accepted. 
His rank, zeal, perseverance, and disinterestedness 
overcame every objection; and he Avas appointed 
a major-general in the American army, more than 
a month before he had reached the age of twenty. 

Washington was expected shortly in Philadelphia, 
and the young general concluded to await his arrival 
before he went to headquarters. The first introduction 
was at a dinner party, where several members of Con- 
gress were present. When they were about to sep- 
arate, Washington took Lafayette aside, spoke to him 
very kindly, complimented him upon the noble spirit 
he had shown, and the sacrifices he had made, in favor 
of the American cause, and then told him that he should 
be pleased if he would make the quarters of the Com- 



218 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

mander-in -chief his home, establish himself there when- 
ever he thought proper, and consider himself at all 
times as one of his family ; adding, in a tone of pleas- 
antry, that he could not promise him the luxuries of a 
court, or even the conveniences, which his former habits 
might have rendered essential to his comfort, but, since 
he had become an American soldier, he Avould doubt- 
less contrive to accommodate himself to the character 
he had assumed, and submit with a good grace to the 
customs, manners, and privations of a republican army. 
If Lafayette was made happy by his success with Con- 
gress, his joy w^as redoubled by this flattering proof of 
friendship and regard on the part of the Commander- 
in-chief. His horses and equipage were immediately 
sent to camp ; and ever afterwards, even when he had 
the command of a division, he kept up his intimacy at 
headquarters, and enjoyed all the advantages of a 
member of the General's family. The day after the 
dinner, Washington inspected the fortifications in the 
Delaware Eiver, and invited Lafayette to accompany 
him. . 



Mt. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219 



CHAPTER XX. 

Sir Willian Howe lands at the Head of Elk.— Battle of the Brandywine.— New 
Powers conferred on Washington by Congress.— Battle of Germantown. — 
Skirmishes at Whitemarsh.— Sufferings of the Army.— Winter Encamp- 
ment at Valley Forge, 

For several days nothing was heard of the fleet, till 
it was seen again near the coast about sixteen leagues 
south of the Capes of Delaware. This was a proof, 
that it was really bound to the southward ; and, as 
ten days passed without any other intelligence, the 
opinion began to prevail, that it was gone to Charleston. 
So thoroughly was this belief irupressed upon Wash- 
ington and his oiRcers, that a council decided it to be 
expedient to march towards the Hudson, and either act 
against Burgoyne, or attack 'New York. This decision 
w^as approved by Congress ; but, the very day on 
which the army was to march, an express arrived with 
intelligence, that the fleet was coming up the Chesa- 
peake Ba}^, and had already ascended two hundred 
miles from its mouth. All uncertainty was now at an 
end. JSTo one doubted the designs of Sir William 
Howe against Philadelphia, though, as Washington said, 
the route he had chosen was " a very strange one." 
The detachments were recalled from New Jersev, 
where Sullivan had employed them in an unsuccessful 
enterprise against Staten Island, and the whole army 
marched to Wilmington. 

The reconnoitering parties soon reported the enemy 
to have landed below the head of Elk. The American 
troops were posted at Ped Clay Creek, a few miles be- 
yond Wilmington, the pickets being advanced to Chris- 
tiana Bridge. There was constant skirmishing b^ 



220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

tween the light parties of the opposing armies in which 
the Americans behaved with spirit, gained some advan- 
tages, and took about sixty prisoners. When General 
Howe had landed all his men, artillery, and baggage, 
his movements indicated an intention to outflank the 
American right ; and Washington retired from his 
position at Ked Clay Creek, crossed the Brandywine, 
and took possession of the high ground near Chad's 
Ford. His right wing, so posted as to guard the fords 
'above, was commanded by General Sullivan ; and the 
Pennsylvania militia, under General Armstrong, was 
stationed on the left about two miles below. 

At the same time the British advanced to Kennet 
Square, seven miles from Chad's Ford. At daybreak, 
on the morning of the 11th of September, Sir William 
Howe put his army in motion in two divisions ; one, 
under Knyphausen, taking the direct road to Chad's 
Ford ; the other, led by Lord Cornwallis, moving along 
the Lancaster road, which ran for several miles nearly 
parallel with the Brandywine Kiver. Sir William 
Howe was with this division. As soon as Knyphausen's 
advanced parties approached near Chad's Ford they 
were attacked by General Maxwell with a body of light 
troops, and a very sharp rencounter ensued ; but the 
enemy's columns pressed forward, and Maxwell was 
compelled to retire. From this time Knyphausen kept 
up a heavy fire of artillery, which was returned across 
the river ; but he made no serious attempt to pass the 
ford. Parties went over and skirmished, and there 
was brisk firing at different points, without much exe- 
cution on either side. It Avas the plan of the Hessian 
general to amuse the Americans in front, till Corn- 
wallis should have time to gain their right flank and 
rear. 

This design was early suspected by Washington, and 
he waited with extreme anxiety for intelligence from 



Mt. 45.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 

the patrols, who had been sent to watch the roads 
leading to the fords, which were all guarded as high 
up :;s the fork of the Brandy wine, six or seven miles 
abo\^e Chad's Ford. At length, between eleven and 
twelve o'clock, a message came from General Sullivan, 
stating that a large body of the enemy had been dis- 
covered marching towards the upper fords. Wash- 
ington ordered Sullivan to push over the river and 
meet that division, while he crossed and attacked 
Knyphausen in front. Before this order could be 
executed, counter information was received. This con- 
tradiction and uncertainty caused the order to be sus- 
pended. A little after two o'clock, however, all doubt 
was removed. Having taken a wide circuit of seven- 
teen miles and crossed two branches of the Brandy- 
wine above the fork, Cornwallis had gained the heights 
near Birmingham meeting-house, w^ithin two miles of 
Sullivan's right flank. Sullivan marched with the three 
divisions under his command, being his own, Ste- 
phen's, and Stirling's, and began to form his troops 
for action ; but, before the arrangement could be com- 
pleted, Cornwallis opened the attack with such im- 
petuosity, that after a short resistance the right of 
the American line was broken the remainder thrown 
into confusion, and the whole forced to a precipitate 
retreat. Some of them rallied, and took another 
stand, where they maintained a short and spirited con- 
flict, till again driven by a greatly superior force from 
their ground. 

The firing in this quarter was the signal for Kny- 
phausen to cross the river, and assault the American 
intrenchments at Chad's Ford. He was met by Gen- 
eral AYayne, who defended the post with his usual 
gallantry ; but, at the head of a single division only, he 
vv^as in no condition to withstand half the British army. 
General Greene with another division had removed to 



^22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

a central point between Chad's Ford and Sullivan'g 
scene of action, where he could give support to either 
party as circumstances might require. Covering Sulli- 
van's retreat, and seizing a pass about a mile from Dil- 
worth, he checked the pursuit of the enemy, and sus- 
tained a warm engagement till dark. The firing then 
ceased. The British remained on the field of battle, 
and the Americans retreated in much disorder by dif- 
ferent routes to Chester, where they all arrived in the 
course of the night. 

The numbers engaged in this action have never been 
accurately ascertained. Chief Justice Marshall esti- 
mates the British army, when it landed, at eighteen 
thousand men, healthy and well supplied with all the 
implements of war. He supposes the American army, 
including militia, amounted to fifteen thousand ; but, 
from sickness and other causes, he thinks the effective 
strength on the day of battle was not more than eleven 
thousand. Sir William Howe reported his loss to be 
ninety killed, four hundred and eighty-eight wounded, 
and six missing. He stated that about three hundred 
Americans were killed, six hundred wounded, and four 
hundred taken. This could be only a conjectural esti- 
mate, since General Washington made no return of 
his loss to Congress; such a return being impracti- 
cable in the disconnected and moving condition of his 
army. The Marquis de Lafayette, while dismounted 
and endeavoring to rally the troops, was wounded in 
the leof, which caused him to retire from active serv- 
ice for two months. 

The expediency of fighting this battle with a force 
so much inferior, and under many disadvantages, has 
been questioned by foreign writers. If the subject be 
viewed in a military light only, there may perhaps be 
just grounds for criticism. But it should be differ- 
ently regarded. General Washington knew the ex- 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^23 

pectation of the country and of Congress ; and he was 
persuaded, that a defeat would be less injurious in its 
effects on the public mind, than the permitting of the 
enemy to march to Philadelphia without opposition. 
He doubtless hoped to make a better resistance; 
which he would have done, if he had not been de- 
ceived by contradictory intelligence in the time of 
battle, against whicli no foresight could guard. Al- 
though some of his troops behaved ill, yet others, and 
the larger part, fought with signal bravery, and in- 
spired him and themselves with a confidence, which 
could have been produced only by the trial. 

The day after the action he retreated to Philadel- 
phia, and encamped near Germantown. So far from 
being dismaj^ed by the late disaster. Congress were in- 
spirited to new exertions, and resolved to strengthen 
the army and bring together all the means of defense 
in their power. Fifteen hundred Continental troops 
were ordered down from General Putnam's command 
on the Hudson, and the militia in Pennsylvania and 
the adjoining States w^ere summoned to join the main 
army with all possible despatch. Anticipating the 
necessity of removing from Philadelphia, Congress 
again invested General Washington with extraordinary 
powers. He was authorized to suspend officers, who 
should misbehave, and fill up vacancies ; to take pro- 
visions and other articles for the subsistence and com- 
fort of the army within seventy miles of head-quar- 
ters, paying or giving certificates for the same ; and to 
remove, or secure for the benefit of the owners, all 
goods and effects, which might be serviceable to the 
enemy. This last clause was of special importance ; 
as a great number of disaffected persons in and around 
Philadelphia would take no pains to withdraw their 
property, preferring that it should fall into the hands 
and contribute to tho supplies of the enemy. 



224 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1777. 

After allowing his men one day for rest and refresh- 
ment, Washington returned across the Schuylkill, and 
took the Lancaster road leading to the left of the 
British army, fully determined to offer battle. This 
bold step, taken before the enemy had left the field of 
action at the Brandy wine, w^as a proof that the late 
repulse had in no degree unsettled his own resolution, 
or damped the ardor of his troops. The two armies 
met twenty-three miles from Philadelphia, and an en- 
gagement was actually begun betw^een the advanced 
parties, w^hen a heavy rain came on and rendered both 
armies totally unfit to pursue the contest. Washing- 
ton retired to the Yellow Springs, but was not followed 
by tbiG British ; and he finally passed over the Schuyl- 
kill at Parker's Ford. The account of these move- 
ments is best related in his own words. 

" The enemy," he says, ^' by a variety of perplexing 
maneuvers through a country from which I could not 
derive the least intelligence (being to a man dis- 
affected), contrived to pass the Schuylkill last night 
at the Fatland and other fords in the neighborhood of 
it. They marched immediately towards Philadelphia, 
and 1 imagine their advanced parties w^ill be near that 
city to-night. They had so far got the start before I 
received certain intelligence that any considerable 
number had crossed, that I found it in vain to think of 
overtaking their rear, w4th troops harassed as ours had 
been with constant marching since the battle of 
Brandywine. 

"When I last recrossed the Schuylkill, it was with 
a firm intent of giving the enemy battle wherever I 
should meet them ; and accordingly I advanced as far 
as the Warren Tavern upon the Lancaster road, near 
which place the two armies were upon the point of 
coming to a general engagement, but were prevented 
by a most violent flood of rain, which continued all 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 

the day and following night. When it held up, we 
had the mortification to find that our ammunition, 
which had been completed to forty rounds a man, was 
entirely ruined ; and in that situation we had nothing 
left for it but to find out a strong piece of ground, 
which we could easily maintain till we could get the 
arms put in order, and a recruit of ammunition. Be- 
fore this could be fully effected, the enemy marched 
from their position near the AVhite Horse Tavern, 
down the road leading to the Swedes' Ford. I imme- 
diately crossed the Schuylkill above them, and threw 
myself full in their front, hoping to meet them on their 
passage, or soon after they had passed the river. The 
day before yesterda}^ they were again in motion, and 
marched rapidly up the road leading towards Reading. 
This induced me to believe that they had two objects 
in view ; one to get round the riglit of the army, the 
other perhaps to detach parties to Reading, ay here we 
had considerable quantities of military stores. To 
frustrate those intentions, I moved the army up on 
this side of the river to this phice, determined to keep 
pace with them ; but early this morning I received 
intelligence, that they had crossed the fords below. 
"Why i did not follow immediately, I have mentioned 
in the former part of my letter ; but the strongest 
reason against being able to make a forced march is 
the want of shoes. Messieurs Carroll, Chase, and 
Penn, who were some days with the army, can inform. 
Congress in how deplorable a situation the troops are, 
for want of that necessary article. At least one thou- 
sand men are barefooted, and have performed the 
marches in that condition." 

Congress adjourned first to Lancaster, and then to 

Yorktown in Pennsylvania, Avhere they continued eight 

months, till Philadelphia Avas evacuated by the enemy. 

Immediately after the British entered the city, Lord 

IS 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

Howe went out of the Chesapeake with his fleet and 
came round into the Delaware, intending to force the 
strong defenses in that river, and ascend to Philadel- 
phia. To aid in this undertaking a detachment of 
British troops was stationed on the left bank of the 
river in 'New Jersey. The larger part of the array 
was encamped at Germantown, the remainder being 
in the city. 

In this divided state of Sir AYilliam Howe's forces, 
Washington conceived the plan of attacking him by 
surprise. The British encampment extended across 
the village of Germantown, and at right angles with 
the main road. The American army was near Skip- 
pack Creek, about fourteen miles distant. At seven 
o'clock, in the evening of the 3d of October, the march 
began, and by the order of battle the troops were to 
approach the enemy by four routes, it being expected 
that the whole would arrive nearly at the same time. 
The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Con- 
way's brigade, were to enter the town by the road 
leading to the enemy's center, while Armstrong, with 
the Pennsylvania militia, was to take the road on the 
right near the Schuylkill, and gain their left and rear. 
The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by 
McDougall's brigade, Avere to make a circuit on the 
American left, and attack the British right wing, while 
the Maryland and Jersey militia, under Smallwood 
and Forraan, were to move down by a road still fur- 
ther to the left, and fall upon their right flank and 
rear. The plan was extremely well concerted, and the 
surprise was complete. The attack commenced be- 
tween daybreak and sunrise. At first the action was 
very warm in the center, and afterwards on the Ameri- 
can left, and everj^thing seemed to promise success; 
but the Americans were ultimately obliged to retreat, 
and leave the enemy in possession of the ground. 



Mt. 45.] LI^E OF WASHINGTON. 227 

Washington speaks of this event as follows, in a letter 
to his brother. 

" After the enemy had crossed the Schuylkill, we 
took the first favorable opportunity of attacking them. 
This was attempted by a night's march of fourteen 
miles to surprise them, which w^e effectually did, so 
far as to reach their guards before they had notice of 
our coming ; and, if it had not been for a thick fog, 
which rendered it so dark at times that we were not 
able to distinguish friend from foe at the distance of 
thirty yards, we should, I believe, have made a decisive 
and glorious day of it. But Providence designed it 
otherwise ; for, after we had driven the enemy a mile 
or two, after they were in the utmost confusion, and 
flying before us in most places, after we were upon 
the point, as it appeared to everybody, of grasping a 
complete victory, our own troops took fright and fled 
with precipitation and disorder. IIow to account for 
this, I know not ; unless, as I before observed, the fog 
represented their own friends to them for a reinforce- 
ment of the enemy, as we attacked in different quar- 
ters at the same time, and were about closing the 
■wings of our army when this happened. One thing, 
indeed, contributed not a little to our misfortune, and 
that was a want of ammunition on the ricrht wino-. 
which began the engagement, and in the course of two 
hours and forty minutes, which time it lasted, had, 
many of them, expended the forty rounds, that they 
took into the field. After the engagement we removed 
to a place about twenty miles from the enemy, to col- 
lect our forces together, to take care of our wounded, 
get furnished with necessaries again, and be in a better 
posture, either for offensive or defensive operations. 
We are now advancing towards the enemy again, being 
at this time within twelve miles of them. 

" Our loss on the late action was, in killed, wounded* 



228 I^IFE OF WASHINGTON. [ITT:. 

and missing, about one thousand men ; bat, of the 
missing, many, I dare say, took advantage of the 
times, and deserted. General Nash of North Caro- 
lina was wounded, and died two or three days after. 
Many valuable officers of ours were also wounded, and 
some killed. In a word, it vras a bloody da}^ Would 
to Heaven I could add, that it had been a more 
fortunate one for us." 

General Howe reported his loss to be seventy-one 
killed, four hundred and fifty wounded, and fourteen 
missing. The American loss, ag stated by Dr. Gordon 
on the authority of the Board of War, was one hun- 
dred and fifty killed, five hundred and twenty-one 
wounded, and about four hundred prisoners. In the 
midst of the action, six companies of the fortieth 
British regiment, commanded by Colonel Mulgrave, 
took possession of Chew's House, a strong stone build- 
ins:, which thev barricaded and defended with so much 
obstinacy, as to retard for some time the advance of 
the second line of the Americans, intended to support 
the center ; and, during this delay, Sullivan's division, 
which had been closely engaged in front, having mostly 
expended its ammunition, began to retreat, and, falling 
back upon the second line, threw it into disorder. 
This circumstance, added to the dense fog, is supposed 
to have contributed much to the unfortunate issue of 
the day. 

But the battle of Germantown was not without its 
good etfects. It revived the hopes of the country hy 
proving, that, notwithstanding the recent successes of 
the enemy, neither the spirit, resolution, and valor of 
the troops, nor the energy and confidence of the Com- 
m.ander, had suffered any diminution. They were as 
prompt and eager to meet their adversaries in battle as 
at the beginning of the campaign. Considered in its 
political relations, the event was not less important. 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF AVASHINGTON. 229 

When the American Commissioners in Paris had their 
first interview with Count de Yergennes to converse on 
a treaty of alliance, after complimenting them on the 
favorable prospects in America, and the conduct of the 
American troops, he added, " that nothing struck him 
so much as General Washington's attacking and giving 
battle to General Howe's army ; that to bring an army, 
raised within a year, to this, promised ever}^ thing." 
It has been commonly supposed, that Burgoyne's de- 
feat was the turning point with the French government 
in joining the United States against England, and proba- 
bly it was ; but the above fact, recorded by one of the 
Commissioners at the time, shows that the operations 
of Washington's army had their due w^eight in the 
scale. 

The British fleet having entered the Delaware, every 
exertion w^as made to remove the obstructions in the 
river, and drive the Americans from their fortified 
posts. By the activity of the small naval armament 
under Commodore Hazlewood, and the brave defense of 
Red Bank and Fort Mifflin, these efforts were resisted 
for more than six weeks, when a vastly superior force, 
both by land and water, compelled an evacuation of 
those places, and opened a passage for the enemy's 
shipping to Philadelphia. 

Washington returned to his former station after the 
battle of Germantown, and in a few days encamped 
in a strong position at Whitemarsh, fourteen miles 
from Philadelphia. General Greene was ordered with 
a detachment into New Jersey to operate against 
Cornwallis, who had passed over with a large body of 
troops to aid in reducing Fort Mercer at Red Bank. 
The Marquis de Lafayette was a volunteer under 
Greene, and distinguished himself in a skirmish with 
the enemy at Gloucester Point, although his wound 
was not yet entirely healed. No event of importance 



230 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

occurred. The British recrossed the river to Phila- 
delphia, and Greene joined the main army at White- 
marsh. A reinforcement likewise arrived from the 
north, consisting of Morgan's rifle corps and part of the 
'New Hampshire and Massachusetts troops ; the sur- 
render of Burgoyne, and the relinquishment by the 
British of their temporary acquisitions in the High- 
lands, rendering their services no longer necessary in 
that quarter. 

Sir William Howe, having received an accession to his 
strength by several regiments from New York, thought 
a good opportunity presented itself for trying his for- 
tune in another battle, if he could find the Americans 
in such a condition as to attack them to advantage. 
He marched out of the city with twelve thousand men, 
in the evening of the 4th of December, and the next 
morning took post at Chestnut Hill, about three miles 
from the right of the American encampment. Wash- 
ington sent out light troops to skirmish, but resolved 
to wait the general attack on the ground he had chosen. 
This was an adventure, which General Howe was not 
inclined to hazard. After maneuvering three days in 
the front and on the flanks of the American lines, seek- 
ing for an advantage which his opponent was careful 
not to give, he retreated suddenly to Philadelphia, 
having lost in the different rencounters twenty men 
killed, sixty-three wounded, and thirty-three missing. 

The season being far advanced, and the troops w^orn 
down by the hard service of the campaign, it was 
thought necessary to make immediate preparations for 
winter quarters. Many of the soldiers w^ere suffering 
extremely for the want of clothes and shoes ; and even 
the supplies of provision and forage were obtained with 
difficulty. So great was the disaffection of the in- 
habitants, particularly after the British entered Phila- 
delphia, that the larger portion of them refused to sell 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231 

their joroduce to the American contractors, some per- 
haps through fear of the enemy, others from a sincere 
attachment to the royal cause ; and even the well af- 
fected were unwilling to part with their property upon 
so feeble a security as the certificates given on the au- 
thority of Congress. With his usual delicacy and cau- 
tion, Washington was reluctant to exercise the powers 
with which he was intrusted to obtain supplies from 
the people by forcible means. The soundest policy 
forbade this practise, as long as it could possibly be 
avoided. It alienated friends, and added a new motive 
for disaffection. 

The officers differed widely in regard to the best 
mode of disposing of the army for the winter. Some 
advised that it should be quartered at Wilmington ; 
others recommended the valley of Tredyfin, a few 
miles west of the Schuylkill, as the place of canton- 
ment ; while others preferred a line of detached posts 
extending from Lancaster to Reading. The matter 
was largely discussed in a council of war, and elabo- 
rate arguments in writing were given for each of these 
dispositions. 

The opinions of the officers w^ere so various and con- 
tradictory, that the Commander was finally obliged to 
act according to his ow^n judgment, and on his own 
responsibility. He decided to establish a fortified en- 
campment at Yalley Forge, about twenty miles from 
Philadelphia. The ground was covered with woods, 
and bounded on one side by the Schuylkill, and on the 
others by ridges of hills. He examined the site in per- 
son, and designated the particular parts in which each 
regiment was to be quartered. The army marched to 
this place, and, on the 18th of December, orders were 
issued for building huts. Trees were felled for this 
purpose, and the huts were constructed with logs, the 
dimensions of each being sixteen feet by fourteen. 



232 I-IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

One hut was assigned to twelve privates, and one to a 
smaller number of officers, according to their rank. A 
general officer was the sole tenant of a hut. These 
structures were arranged in parallel lines where the 
shape of the ground would admit, and, when the en- 
campment was completed, it had the appearance of a 
town with streets and avenues. Troops from the same 
State inhabited the same street or quarter. The whole 
encampment was surrounded on the land side by in- 
trenchments ; and a bridge was thrown across the river 
to open a communication with the country in that 
direction. Here the army remained till the following 
June. A detachment was also stationed at Wilming- 
ton, to protect the State of Delaware from the incur- 
sions of the enemy's foraging parties. 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 



CHAPTEE XXI. 

Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of Washington.— Con- 
way's Cabal. — Persons concerned in it. — Honorable and generous Conduct of 
Lafayette in relation to this Affair. 

The command of the American armies, and the re- 
sponsibilities attending that high office, were not the 
only causes of vexation, which at this time harassed 
the mind of Washington. Attempts were made by his 
public adversaries, and by secret foes wearing the mask 
of friendship, to destroy his influence and ruin his 
character. 

A pamphlet was published in London, containing a 
series of letters, purporting to have been written by 
him in the summer of 1776, and with his signature 
attached to them. It was stated in the preface, that, 
when Fort Lee was evacuated, General Washington's 
servant was left behind indisposed ; that in his posses- 
sion was a small portmanteau belonging to the General, 
in which, among other things of trifling value, were 
the drafts of several private letters to Mrs. Washing- 
ton, Mr. Lund Washington, and Mr. Custis ; and 
that these had been transmitted to England by an 
officer, into whose hands they had fallen. This fiction 
was contrived to deceive the public into a belief 
of the genuineness of the letters, although in reality 
not one of General Washington's servants, nor a 
single article of his baggage, was taken by the enemy 
in the whole course of the war. But the tenor of 
the letters was the most insidious part of the fabrica- 
tion. Washington is represented as expressing senti- 
ments totally at variance with his conduct, and as 



234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

deprecating the misguided zeal and rashness of Con- 
gress in declaring independence, and pushing the 
opposition to Great Britain to so perilous an extremity. 
The letters were reprinted in New York, and indus- 
triously circulated in various forms through theagenc}' 
of disaffected persons. The disguise was too flimsy to 
cover so nefarious a purpose. Whatever credit they 
may have gained in England, they could have no in- 
fluence on his countrymen, who understood his char- 
acter. 

The author of these spurious epistles was never pub- 
licly known. They w^ere written wdth considerable 
art, and by a person acquainted wuth many particulars 
of General Washington's family concerns. It is prob- 
able, also, that parts of intercepted letters actually 
w^ritten by him were interwoven. He never thought 
the subject worthy of his notice, till near the end of his 
presidency, when a new edition of these same forgeries 
was palmed upon the public to gratify the spleen of a 
malignant party spirit, and to effect a purpose even 
more infamous than the one contemplated by their 
original author. He then declared them, in a letter to 
the Secretary of State, to be spurious and false. 

Whilst the enemies of his country were thus em- 
ployed in scattering the seeds of detraction and false- 
hood, the agents of faction were secretly at work, both 
in the army and in Congress, to disparage and under- 
mine his reputation. This conspiracy has been called 
Convmy's Caha\ from the name of the individual who 
acted the most conspicuous part. The other promi- 
nent leaders were General Gates and General Mifflin. 
The causes and origin of the disaffection of these offi- 
cers to the Commander-in-chief have not been ex- 
plained. When they joined the service, at the begin- 
ning of the vs^ar, they professed to be his friends, and 
probably were such. It was mainly at his instance, 



Mt, 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235 

that General Gates received his first appointment. 
Being an Englishman by birth, some of the members 
of Congress had scruples on the subject, thinking their 
cause would be safest in the charge of native Amer- 
icans, both on account of their influence over the people, 
and of the ardor and sincerity of their patriotism. 
These scruples were waived, however, in favor of Gates 
and Charles Lee, and in each case at the solicitation of 
Washington, who had confidence in their attachment 
to American liberty, and believed important aid might 
be derived from their military skill and experience. 

The first symptoms of discontent are supposed to 
have been manifested at Cambridge. Gates was ad- 
jutant-general of the army, with the rank of brigadier. 
Mifflin went there as aide-de-camp to the Commander- 
in-chief, by whom, under the authority of Congress, 
he was appointed quartermaster-general, with the rank 
of colonel. After the organization of the first Con- 
tinental army. Gates applied for the command of a 
brigade, and Mifflin of a regiment. These requests 
were declined by Washington, on the ground, in the 
first place, that the duties of their offices required their 
whole attention, and, in the next, that such an indul- 
gence would interfere with the just claims of other 
officers. This refusal is thought to have given an of- 
fense, that was not forgotten. It is certain, that, after 
the army marched from Cambridge, General Gates 
made interest with Congress to be employed at a dis- 
tance from Washington's immediate command, and 
continued to do so ; and the correspondence with him 
on the part of Gates, made necessary by his official re- 
lation to the Commander-in-chief, so far from being 
cordial and friendly, was marked with " an air of de- 
sign, a want of candor in many instances, and even of 
politeness." These are the words of Washington, 
contained in a letter to the President of Congress three 



236 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

years after the army left Cambridge, and they are 
verified by the correspondence since published. 

Conway, by birth an Irishman, had been in the 
French service from his youth, and founded his claim 
to consideration on the circumstance of his being an 
officer of thirty years' experience. He joined the 
army at Morristown, having the rank of brigadier, by 
the appointment of Congress. Of all the men in the 
world, he was the last to conciliate the favor of Wash- 
ington. Boastful, presumptuous, and intriguing, bent 
on pushing his fortune, and looking only to personal 
aggrandizement, he was unprincipled in regard to the 
means and reckless of consequences. Abundant proofs 
of these traits of character and of sinister aims were 
exhibited during the campaign ; and, when it was 
rumored that Conway was to be promoted, Washing- 
ton wrote to a member of Congress a letter of strong 
remonstrance against it, assigning his reasons without 
reserve. The success of the northern army, in the 
capture of Burgoyne, was the signal for the malcon- 
tents to assume a bolder attitude in prosecuting their 
machinations. Anonymous letters were sent to the 
President of Congress and the Governor of Virginia, 
filled with insinuations, complaints, and exaggerated 
statements, and ascribing all the misfortunes of the 
campaign to the incapacity, or ill-timed Fabian policy, 
of the Commander-in-chief. It was affirmed, with as 
much effrontery as falsehood, that his force had been 
three or four times as large as that opposed to him ; 
and no pains were spared to make it appear, that all 
his plans and operations evinced a want of military 
knowledge, judgment, and decision. 

These artifices, though practised in secret for a time, 
were well known to Washington. His scrutinizing 
observation easily penetrated the designs of those, Avho 
acted under the cloak of a pretended attachment ; and 



Mt. 45.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 237 

nis real friends, moved not less by a sense of duty to 
their country, than of justice to him, took care to put 
him on his guard, and to acquaint him with the intrigues 
of the cabal, as far as they could be ascertained 
from overt acts, or inferred from less obvious indica- 
tions. The affair was at length brought to his notice 
in a definite shape. When Colonel Wilkinson, one 
of Gates's aides-de-camp, was on his way from Sara- 
toga to Congress, as bearer of despatches announcing 
the capitulation of Burgoyne, he stopped at the 
quarters of Lord Stirling, who was then at Keading. 
In a free conversation while there, Wilkinson repeated 
part of a letter, which Gates had received from Con- 
way, containing strictures on the management of the 
army under Washington, accompanied with disparag- 
ing reflections. Prompted by patriotism and friend- 
ship. Lord Stirling communicated to him an extract 
from the letter as repeated by Wilkinson. A corre- 
spondence on the subject followed between Washing- 
ton, Gates, and Conway. The genuineness of the ex- 
tract was denied, but the letter itself was never pro- 
duced. Two or three persons afterwards saw it in 
confidence, among whom was Mr. Laurens, President 
of Congress ; and, although the words proved not to 
be exactly the same, yet the tenor and spirit of the 
letter were accurately reported. The transaction, and 
the incidents springing from it, could not long be con- 
cealed from the officers of the army. Puraors re- 
specting them went abroad, and the public sentiment 
was expressed in a tone so unequivocal and decided, as 
to discourage the instigators ; and their schemes were 
abandoned, before they had produced any of the fatal 
mischiefs, which must inevitably have followed, if their 
ambitious hopes had been realized. 

There is no reason to suppose, that any of the officers 
were directly implicated in the cabal, except Gates, 



238 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

Mifflin, and Conway. That a considerable party in 
Congress favored the projects of these men is evident 
from the proceedings of that body for several months. 
After the capitulation at Saratoga, Gates forwarded 
the official account of the event to Congress, without 
communicating the intelligence in any shape to the 
Commander-in-chief, which his duty as an officer and 
the common rules of courtesy required him to do ; and 
Congress never intimated their dissatisfaction with 
this breach of decorum, and marked disrespect to the 
commander of their armies, whose authority they were 
bound to support. Nearly at the same time Congress 
instituted a new Board of War, to which were granted 
large powers, and of which Gates and Mifflin were 
appointed members, Gates being placed at its head. 

One of the first acts of this board was a projected 
expedition to Canada, planned by Gates, and approved 
by Congress, without consulting Washington in the 
least of its particulars. The first intimation he had of 
it was in a letter from the Board of War, enclosing 
another to Lafayette, informing him of his being ap- 
pointed to the command of the expedition. It was the 
design of this stroke of policy to bring over Lafayette 
to the interests of the faction. They had little knowl- 
edge of his character. He was not to be deceived nor 
cajoled. He carried the letter to Washington, told him 
that he saw through the artifice, and should decline. 
AVashington replied, that he knew not the object of 
the expedition, nor hovf it was to be carried into efi'ect, 
but the appointment was an honorable one, which 
would place him in a conspicuous station, where he 
would in any event acquit himself with credit ; for, if 
the enterprise should fail, he was persuaded his conduct 
w^ould be such as to save him from faults and screen 
him from censure, and the responsibility would rest 
with its projectors. Yielding to this advice, he acceded 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 

to the proposal, went to Albany, where he had been 
promised that troops and everything necessary should 
be provided, and, after waiting there three months, his 
patience being exhausted and all his hopes defeated, as 
the Board of War did nothing to fulfil their promise or 
promote the expedition, he returned to the camp at 
Valley Forge.* 

And it might here be recorded to the honor of Lafay- 
ette, if indeed his whole career in America was not a no- 
ble monument to his honor, his generosity, and unwaver- 
ing fidelity to every trust reposed in him, that from the 
very first he resisted every attempt that was made by 
the flatteries of Conway, and the artifices of others, to 
bring him into the league. In the earliest stage of the 
cabal, before it had been whispered to the public, he 
wrote to Washington, stating his opinion of Conway, 
and his fears for the unhappy consequences that might 
flow from his conduct. " I need not tell you," said he, 
" how sorry I am at what has happened, it is a neces- 
sary result of my tender and respectful friendship for 
you, which is as true and candid as the other sentiments 
my heart, and much stronger than so new an acquaint- 
ance might seem to admit. But another reason for my 
concern is m}^ ardent and perhaps enthusiastic wish 
for the happiness and liberty of this country. I see 

* Before Lafayette commenced his journey to Albany, he rode to York- 
town for the purpose of making arrangements witli the Board of War. As 
soon as he arrived, he called on Genei-al Gates, whom he found surrounded by 
his friends seated at a dinner-table. They greeted him with much cordiality. 
He joined them at the table, the wine passed round and several toasts were 
given. Determined not to act under disguise, and to take the first opportunity 
of letting his sentiments be known, he called to them, just as they were about 
to rise, and observed that one toast had been omitted, which he would pro- 
pose. The glasses were filled, and he gave as a toast, " The Commander-in- 
chief of the American armies." It is needless to say that it was coldly re- 
ceived ; and it is possible that this early and bold avowal of his predilections 
had some influence in damping the ardor, with which the leaders of the fac- 
tion had planned this abortive Canada expedition. Conway was appointed 
second in command ; but Lafayette insisted that the Baron de Kalb, in whom 
he had confidence, should be one of the officers, which was granted, but not 
without evident reluctance. Baron de Kalb, being higher in rank than Con- 
way, was thus the second iu command, and Conway the third. 



240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

plainly that America can defend herself, if proper 
measures are taken ; but I begin to fear that she may 
be lost by herself and her own sons." And again in 
conclusion he added : " My desire of deserving your ap- 
probation is strong; and, whenever you shall employ 
me, you can be certain of my trying every exertion in 
my power to succeed. I am now bound to your fate, 
and I shall follow it and sustain it, as well by my sword 
as by all the means in my power." To this pledge he 
was ever true.* 

Standing firm in his integrity, Washington took no 
pains to counteract these machinations of his enemies, 
and, whatever may have been his regret and indigna- 
tion at such evidences of ingratitude and perfidy, he 
did not allow them to disturb his equanimity, or to turn 
him in the least degree from his lofty purpose of serv- 
ing his country in the sphere allotted to him with the 
disinterestedness, diligence, and ardor, that character- 
ized his public life in every vicissitude of events. In a 
letter to President Laurens, who had enclosed to him 
an anonymous communication of a ver^^ insidious 
tendency, which he had received, and which the writer 
designed for Congress, Wn- liington Avrote as follows : 

'* I cannot sufficiently express the obligation I feel 
to you, for your friendship and politeness upon an oc- 

* The following extract from a letter written by Lafayette to Baron Steu- 
ben, while the faction was at its height, affords an additional proof of his 
warm and generous friendship for Washington. It was dated at Albany, on 
the 12th of March, 1778. Baron Steuben had recently arrived in the country. 

" Permit me," said Lafayette, " to express my satisfaction at your having 
seen General Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found, ex- 
cept among the enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for anj' man of a 
noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qualities of his heart. I think 
I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea which I have formed 
of him. His honesty, his frankness, his sensibility, his virtue, to the full ex- 
tent In which this word can be understood, are above all praise. It is not for 
me to judge of his military talents ; but, according to my imperfect knowl- 
edge of these matters, his advice in council has always appeared to me 
the best, although his modesty prevents him sometimes from sustaining it ; 
and his predictions have generally been fulfilled. I am the more happy in 
giving you this opinion of my friend, with all the sincerity which I feel, be- 
cause some persons may perhaps attempt to deceive you on this point." 



.^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 241 

casion in which I am so deeply interested. I was not 
unapprized, that a malignant faction had been for 
some time forming to my prejudice ; which, conscious 
as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer 
the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, 
could not but give me some pain on a personal account. 
But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of 
the dangerous consequences, which intestine dissen- 
sions may produce to the common cause. 

" As I have no other view than to promote the pub- 
lic good, and am unambitious of honors not founded 
in the approbation of my country, I would not desire 
in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry 
into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself 
may deem reprehensible. The anonymous paper 
handed to you exhibits many serious charges, and it is 
my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. 
This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or 
concealment may possibly involve you in embarrass- 
ments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or who 
may be privy to the contents. 

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. 
They know the delicacy of my situation, and that 
motives of policy deprive me of the defense I might 
otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They 
know I cannot combat their insinuations, however in- 
jurious, without disclosing secrets, which it is of the 
utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect 
to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an ele- 
vated station ? Merit and talents, with which I can 
have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been sub- 
ject to it. My heart tells me, that it has been my 
unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would 
permit ; yet I may have been very often mistaken in 
my judgment of the means, and may in many instances 
deserve the imputation of error." 



24,2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777, 

To what extent the members of Congress were con- 
oerned in this affair, it would be difficult now to de- 
cide. Names have been mentioned, but without such 
a clear statement of facts as to fix a direct charge upon 
any individual. The proceedings of Congress show, 
that the faction had supporters in that body ; but who 
they were, or what precise objects they had in view, 
cannot now be ascertained from the testimony hitherto 
made public. The first aim of the cabal was, no doubt, 
to disgust "Washington and cause him to resign. It is 
probable, that Gates's immediate coadjutors in the 
army looked to him as the successor, and that Gates 
flattered himself with this illusive dream. The dissatis- 
fied members of Congress, it is more likely, had their 
eyes upon Charles Lee, who was soon to be exchanged. 

Conway was the victim of his ambition and in- 
trigues. Being wounded by an American officer in a 
duel, he wrote to General Washington while he thought 
himself near his end, expressing sorrow for his past 
conduct. " My career will soon be over," said he ; 
" therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my 
last sentiments. You are in my eyes the great and 
good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, 
and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have 
asserted by your virtues." This confession, dictated 
at a solemn moment by a corroding conscience, al- 
though it may be deemed an apology for personal in- 
juries, cannot atone for the guilt of having endeavored, 
in a time of public danger and distress, to kindle the 
flame of discord in a country, whose liberties he 
had ofi'ered to vindicate, and whose cause he was 
pretending to serve. He unexpectedly recovered 
of his wound, and returned to France, leaving a 
name which few will envy, and an example which 
no one will be ambitious to imitate, who reflects how 
soon a crime may be followed by a just retribution. 



Mt. 45.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 243 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Suflferltigs of the Army at Valley Forge.— New Arrangements concerted with 
a Committee of Congress. — Half -pay granted to the Officers for a Term of 
Years.— Proceedings in Regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. 

The winter at Yalley Forge is memorable in the his- 
tory of the war. Owing to changes in the quarter- 
master's and commissary's departments, according to a 
scheme planned by Congress contrary to the judgment 
of Washington, the army had been wretchedly sup- 
plied ; and at no time were the sufferings of the troops 
so great, as they were for a few weeks after they went 
into winter quarters. Hardly were the huts begun, 
when information was received, that a party of the 
enemy had left Philadelphia, with the apparent design 
of foraging and drawing subsistence from the country. 
Several regiments were ordered to be in readiness to 
march, when it was discovered that they had no provi- 
sions, and that a dangerous mutiny was on the point 
of breaking out. The only remedy was to send parties 
abroad to collect, wherever they could find it, as much 
provision as would satisfy the pressing Avants of the 
soldiers. 

The same wants recurred at different times through 
the winter. On one occasion General Washington 
wrote ; " For some days there has been little less than 
a famine in camp. A part of the army have been a 
week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three 
or four days. Naked and starving as they are, we 
cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and 
fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not been ere 
this excited by their sufferings to a general mutiny 



244 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

and dispersion. Strong symptoms, however, of dis- 
content have appeared in particular instances ; and 
nothing but the most active efforts everywhere can 
long avert so shocking a catastrophe." Such was the 
scarcity of blankets, that many of the men were obliged 
to sit up all night by the fires, without covering to 
protect them while taking the common refreshment of 
sleep ; and in numerous instances they were so scantily 
clad, that they could not leave their huts. Although 
the officers were better provided, yet none was exempt 
from exposures, priv^ations and hardships. 

Notwithstanding this deplorable condition of the 
army, there were not wanting those, who complained 
of its inactivity, and insisted on a winter campaign. 
When the encampment was begun at Yalley Forge, 
the whole number of men in the field was eleven thou- 
sand and ninety-eight, of whom two thousand eight 
hundred and ninety-eight were unfit for duty, " being 
barefoot and otherwise naked." In making this state- 
ment to Congress, and alluding to a memorial of the 
legislature of Pennsylvania, "Washington said: "We 
find gentlemen without knowing whether the army 
was really going into winter quarters or not, reprobat- 
ing the measure as much as if they thought the sol- 
diers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensi- 
ble of frost and snow ; and moreover, as if they con- 
ceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under 
the disadvantages I have described ours to be, w^hich 
are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior 
one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a 
winter's campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, 
and to cover from depredation and waste the States of 
Pennsylvania and ISTew Jersey. But what makes this 
matter still more extraordinary in my eye is, that 
these very gentlemen, — who were well apprised of 
the nakedness of the troops from ocular demonstration, 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245 

who thought their own soldiers worse clad than 
others, and Avho advised me near a month ago to post- 
pone the execution of a plan I was about to adopt, in 
consequence of a resolve of Congress, for seizing 
clothes, under strong assurances that an ample sup- 
ply Avould be collected in ten days agreeably to a 
decree of the State (not one article of which, by the 
by, is yet come to hand), — should think a winter's cam- 
paign, and the covering of these States from the inva- 
sion of an enemy, so easy and practicable a business. 
I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier 
and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a 
comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a 
cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, with- 
out clothes or blankets. However, although they seem 
to have little feeling for the naked and distressed sol- 
diers, I feel superabundantly for them, and, from my 
soul, I pity those miseries, which it is neither in my 
power to relieve nor prevent." 

After the immediate wants of the army in camp 
were provided for, he next employed his thoughts in 
devising a new and improved system for the future. 
The experience of three campaigns had proved the 
necessity of radical and extensive changes in the plans 
hitherto pursued, both in regard to the organization 
and discipline of the army, and to the methods of ob- 
taining supplies. He deemed the subject to be of the 
utmost importance, and one upon the due adjustment 
of which would depend not only the efficiency, but 
even the existence, of a Continental military force. 
That he might act upon the soundest principles, and 
with all the aids that could be collected from the 
knowledge and reflections of others, he requested the 
general officers to state their sentiments in writing. 
The result was a series of elaborate essays containing 
such facts, discussion Sj and opinions, as the judgment 



24:(j LJ^E OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

and military skill of the writers enabled them to 
present. 

Moved by the earnest solicitations of Washington, 
Congress at the same time took the subject into con- 
sideration. Their debates finally terminated in the 
appointment of a committee of five members of their 
body, who were instructed to repair to the camp at 
Yalley Forge, and invested with ample powers to con- 
fer with the Commander, and digest in concert with 
him such a system as would correct existing abuses, 
lead to salutary reforms, and put the arm}" on the 
footing he desired. When the committee arrived in 
camp, he laid before them a memoir, drawn up with 
great care, representing in detail the defects of pre- 
vious arrangements, and containing an outline of a 
new and improved system. The committee continued 
in camp three months, and then returned to Congress 
and presented a report, Avhich was in the main 
adopted. 

On one point, however, which Washington con- 
sidered not more equitable in itself, than essential to 
the continuance of an army, there was great difference 
of opinion among the members of Congress. Hither- 
to there had been no provision made for the officers 
after the war should end, and no other inducement 
offered to them than their common wages while in 
actual service. Numerous complaints and resignations 
convinced Washington, that this motive, even when 
strengthened by ambition and patriotism, was not 
enough. He proposed half-pay for life, after the close 
of the war, or some other permanent provision. 

" If my opinion be asked," said he in a letter to Con- 
gress, " with respect to the necessity of making this 
provision for the officers, I am ready to declare, that 
I do most religiously believe the salvation of the cause 
depends upon it, and, without it, your officers will 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 

molder to nothing, or be composed of low and illit- 
erate men, void of capacity for this or any other busi- 
ness. To prove this, I can with truth aver, that scarce 
a day passes without the offer of two or three com- 
missions ', and my advices from the eastward and 
southward are, that numbers who had gone home on 
furlough mean not to return, but are establishing 
themselves in more lucrative employments. Let Con- 
gress determine what will be the consequences of this 
spirit. 

" Personally, as an officer^ I have no interest in their 
decision, because I have declared, and I now repeat it, 
that I never will receive the smallest benefit from the 
half-pay establishment • but, as a man who fights 
under the weight of proscription, and as a citizen, who 
wishes to see the liberty of his country established 
upon a permanent foundation, and whose property 
depends upon the success of our arms, I am deeply 
interested. But, all this apart, and justice out of the 
question, upon the single ground of economy and pub- 
lic saving, I will maintain the utility of it ; for I have 
not the least doubt, that un^il officers consider their 
commissions in an honorable and interested point of 
view, and are afraid to endanger them by negligence 
and inattention, no order, regularity, or care, either of 
the men or public property, will prevail." 

These representations, so judicious and forcible, 
could not fail to have some influence even on the minds 
of those, who were the most decided in their hostility 
to the measure. But they did not produce entire con- 
viction, and the subject met with difficulties and de- 
lays. One party thought, or professed to think, that 
Congress had no power to act in such a matter, and 
proposed to refer it to the State legislatures ; another 
was haunted with the fear of a standing army, a privi- 
leged class, and a pension list ; and another could see 



248 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

no difference between the sacrifices of the oflGlcers, in 
defending their country, and of private citizens, whose 
property was plundered, ravaged, and destroyed by 
the enemy. After much discussion, the plan of half- 
pay for life was carried, but by so small a majority 
that the vote was reconsidered, and a compromise was 
effected. By the ultimate decision, the officers were 
to receive ha]f-pay for the term of seven years, and a 
gratuity of eighty dollars was to be given to each non- 
commissioned officer and soldier, who should continue 
in the service to the end of the war. 

While this subject was under discussion, Washington 
saw with deep concern the jealousy of the army, which 
was manifested in Congress, and its unhappy influence 
on their deliberations. In other countries this preju- 
dice exists against standing armies only in times of 
peace, and this because the troops are a distinct body 
from the citizens, having few interests in common 
with them, and little other means of support than 
what flows from their military employment. But " it 
is our policy," said he, " to be prejudiced against them 
in time of war, though they are citizens, having all 
the ties and interests of citizens, and in most cases 
property totally unconnected with the military line." 
So heavily did this subject weigh upon his mind, that 
he unburdened himself freely in a letter to a member 
of Congress, and used all his endeavors to promote 
harmony, union, and a national feeling among those 
on whom the safety of the republic depended, whether 
acting in a civil or military capacity. 

'' If Ave would pursue a right system of policy," he 
observed, " in my opinion, there should be none of 
these distinctions. We should all, Congress and 
army, be considered as one people, embarked in one 
cause, in one interest ; acting on the same principle, 
and to the same end. The distinction, the jealousies 



^T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 249 

set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out, can answer 
not a single good purpose. They are impolitic in the 
extreme. Among individuals the most certain way to 
make a man your enemy is to tell him you esteem him 
such. So with public bodies; and the very jealousy, 
which the narrow politics of some may affect to enter- 
tain of the army, in order to a due subordination to 
the supreme civil authority, is a likely means to pro- 
duce a contrary effect; to incline it to the pursuit of 
those measures, which they may wish it to avoid. It 
is unjust, because no order of men in the Thirteen 
States has paid a more sacred regard to the proceed- 
ings of Congress than the army ; for without arrogance 
or the smallest deviation from truth it may be said, 
that no history now extant can furnish an instance of 
an army's suffering such uncommon hardships as ours 
has done, and bearing them with the same patience and 
fortitude. To see men, without clothes to cover their 
nakedness, without blankets to lie on, without shoes 
(for the want of which their marches might be traced 
by the blood from their feet), and almost as often with- 
out provisions as with them, marching through the 
frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up their 
winter quarters within a day's march of the enemy, 
without a house or hut to cover them till they could 
be built, and submitting without a murmur, is a proof 
of patience and obedience, which in my opinion can 
scarce be paralleled." 

Bound by strong ties of attachment to the army, on 
the good or ill fortunes of which his own reputation so 
much depended, he spared no efforts to redress its 
grievances, maintain its rights, and mitigate its suffer- 
ings ; but he was prompt and inflexible in checking the 
least disposition to encroach on the civil power, or to 
claim privileges, however reasonable in themselves, 
which the peculiar circumstances of the country ren- 



250 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

dered it hazardous or inexpedient to grant. Consider- 
ing the materials of the army, composed of freemen 
brought together and held together almost without the 
aid of law or of authority in any supreme head, unac- 
customed to a soldier's life, impatient under discipline, 
and constantly exposed to extraordinary privations and 
distresses, it may truly be said, that no commander 
ever had a more difficult task to perform in discharg- 
ing the duties of his station ; and this in addition to 
the labor and responsibility of suggesting to Congress 
the important measures, which they were to adopt in 
regard to military affairs, the vexation of seeing his 
plans thwarted by prejudice and party dissensions, 
and the anxiety he never ceased to feel on account of 
the divided counsels, apathy, antipathies, and local pre- 
dilections, which were manifested both in Congress and 
in the State legislatures. 

About the middle of April arrived in New York a 
draft of what were called Lord North's Conciliatory 
Bills, containing a new project, by him submitted to 
Parliament, for settling the differences between Great 
Britain and the United States. This movement was 
prompted by the apprehension, that France would soon 
acknowledge the independence of the latter, and join 
in the war against England. Governor Tryon, to 
whom the draft of the bills was sent, had it immedi- 
ately reprinted in New York, and took measures to 
disperse copies of it as extensively as possible in the 
country, which, he said, was done in obedience to " his 
Majesty's command." Copies were enclosed by him 
to General Washington, with a polite request that he 
AYOuld aid in circulating them, '*that the people at 
large might be acquainted with the favorable disposi- 
tion of Great Britain towards the American colonies." 
"Washington sent them to Congress. 

As to the tenor of the bills, it is enough to say, that 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 251 

the terms held out were such as would undoubtedly 
have been accepted in the first stages of the contro- 
versy. Important changes had since occurred. The 
Americans had declared themselves an independent na- 
tion. They had shed their blood, expended their means, 
and endured the miseries of a three years' war, in de- 
fense of the rights they claimed, and the character 
the}^ had assumed. It Avas no part of the British min- 
istry's plan to treat with tlie American States as an in- 
dependent power. They were to go back to their old 
condition as colonies, be favored with certain privi- 
leges, and, relieved from the burden of self-government, 
to trust their liberties again to the parental guardian- 
ship of the mother country. Till the remembrance of 
the past should be obliterated, these proffers w^ere not 
likely to gain the confidence or change the sentiments 
of those, who had taken the lead in opposition after a 
thorough knowledge of the causes, and of the grounds 
on which they stood, and who had already risked much 
and labored hard to secure the political existence and 
prosperity of their country, by establishing them on 
the firm basis of union and freedom. 

Yet it was feared there w^ere some, who, weary of 
the war, or disheartened at the prospect of its continu- 
ance, might be soothed with the voice of conciliation, 
and thus become cold supporters of the popular cause, 
if not decided advocates for peace on the terms pro- 
230sed. To prevent this consequence, as far as the 
weight of his judgment would go, Washington ex- 
pressed his own opinions in very decided language to a 
member of Congress only two days after he learned the 
contents of the conciliatory bills. " JS'othing short of 
independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. A 
peace on other terms would, if I may be allowed the 
expression, be a peace of w^ar. The injuries we have 
received from the British nation were so unprovoked. 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

and have been so great and so many, that they can 
never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, 
the animosities, that would ever attend a union with 
them ; besides the importance, the advantages, which 
we should derive from an unrestricted commerce ; our 
fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as men, 
are opposed to a coalition with them as subjects, but 
in case of the last extremity. Were we easily to ac- 
cede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future 
•occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be ever so fla- 
grant and unjust, would interpose for our relief ; or, at 
most, they would do it with a cautious reluctance, and 
upon conditions most probably that would be hard, if 
not dishonorable to us." Fortunately, the subject ap- 
peared in the same light to Congress. As soon as the 
drafts of Lord North's bills were received, they were 
referred to a committee ; upon whose report a short 
discussion ensued; and it was unanimously resolved, 
that the terms offered were totally inadequate, and 
that no advances on the part of the British government 
for a peace would be met, unless, as a preliminary step, 
they either withdrew their armies and fleets, or ac- 
knowledged unequivocally the independence of the 
United States. At the same time the bills were pub- 
lished in connection with the proceedings of Congress, 
and circulated throughout the country. 

The three commissioners. Lord Carlisle, Governor 
Johnstone, and William Eden, sent over from England 
to negotiate the business of conciliation, did not arrive 
in Philadelphia till six weeks after the drafts of the 
bills were published by Governor Tr^^on. Two of the 
commissioners, Johnstone and Eden, were the bearers 
of private letters of introduction to General Washing- 
ton from his friends in England, and also of many other 
letters to gentlemen of high political standing. To all 
appearance the olive branch was fairly held out. The 



^T. 46. j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253 

Secretary to the coinmission was Dr. Ferguson, the 
celebrated professor of moral philosophy in Edinburgh. 
On the first landing of the commissioners, they des- 
patched their letters to Washington's camp, and re- 
quested a passport for Dr. Ferguson to go to York- 
town, where Congress was then sitting, and present in 
person the papers they had brought. This matter 
being wholly of a civil nature, he did not think him- 
self authorized to give such a passport, without the di- 
rection of Congress, and he forwarded to them the 
application. Impatient at the delay, or fearing a posi- 
tive refusal from Congress to receive the papers, the 
commissioners immediatelv sent them throu^fh the 
usual medium of a flag to the President. The recep- 
tion they met with may be imagined from the manner 
in which Lord IN'orth's bills had been disposed of. The 
door to any kind of compromise on the principles laid 
down in those bills had been effectually closed, and 
Congress adhered to their first resolution. The com- 
missioners remained several months in the country, 
made various attempts to gain their object, as well by 
art and address as by official intercourse, and at last 
went back to England baffled and disappointed, if in- 
deed they ever had any real hope of success, which 
may be doubted. 



254 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17?8. 



CIIAPTEK XXIII. 

Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce.— Comparative 
Strength of the British and American Armies.— Discussions respecting an 
Attack on Philadelphia.— Plans of the Enemy.— Evacuation of Philadelphia. 
—The Army crosses the Delaware.— Battle of Monmouth.— Arrest and Trial 
of General Lee. 

Meantime an important event occurred, which 
diffused universal joy in America. The King of France 
recognized the independence of the United States in a 
formal treaty of amity and commerce, and in a treaty 
of defensive alliance, both signed in Paris on the 6th 
of February, by M. Gerard on the part of France, and 
by the American commissioners, Franklin, Deane, and 
Lee. It was of course expected, that this procedure 
would bring on a war between England and France, 
and the parties mutually agreed not to lay down their 
arms till the independence of the United States should 
be assured by a treaty at the termination of the war. 
The messenger, who brought the news of this auspi- 
cious event, and who was likewise the bearer of the 
treaties, arrived in Yorktown on the 2d of May, ten 
days after Congress had passed their resolves respect- 
ing Lord North's bills. This last fact is worthy of re- 
mark, as it shows that the transactions in France, be- 
ing then unknown, had no influence in producing those 
resolves. The treaties were immediately ratified by 
Congress. 

The army participated in the rejoicings everywhere 
manifested on this occasion. A day was set apart for 
a public celebration in camp. It began in the morn- 
ing with religious services, and a discourse to each of 
the brigades by one of its chaplains. Then followed 



Mt. 46.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255 

military parades, marchings, and firings of cannon and 
musketry, according to a plan announced in the gen- 
eral orders. The appearance was brilliant and the 
effect imposing. The whole ceremony was conducted 
with perfect regularity, and was closed with an enter- 
tainment, patriotic toasts, music, and other demonstra- 
tions of joy. 

The British kept possession of Philadelphia through 
the winter and the spring following ; and, although 
"Washington's camp w^as within twenty miles of the 
city, yet no enterprise w^as undertaken to molest him 
in his quarters. Foraging parties went out and com- 
mitted depredations upon the inhabitants ; but they 
w^ere watched by the Americans, who sometimes met 
them in fierce and bloody rencounters. When it was 
told to Dr. Franklin in Paris, that General Howe had 
taken Philadelphia, he sagaciously replied : " Say 
rather, that Philadelphia has taken General Howe." 
This prediction, if such it may be called, was verified 
in the end. The conquest gained at the expense of a 
campaign, and with a considerable loss of men, actually 
availed nothing. Philadelphia, fortified on the land 
side and guarded by a formidable fleet in the river, 
afforded to the British army a resting-place for eight 
months. This was the whole fruit of the bloodshed 
and victory. New York would have afforded the 
same, without the trouble of a campaign, and at much 
less cost. 

The number of troops for the Continental army, 
according to the new establishment agreed upon by 
the committee of Congress at Yalley Forge, was to 
be about forty thousand besides artillery and horse. 
When a council of war was called, on the 8th of May, 
to consider what measures should be adopted for future 
operations, it was found, that the army, including the 
detachments on the North Eiver and at other places, 



256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [nTS. 

did not then exceed fifteen thousand men, nor was it 
supposed that it could soon be raised higher than 
twenty thousand effective men. The number at Yalley 
Forge was eleven thousand eight hundred. The Brit- 
ish army in New York and Philadelphia, as since 
ascertained from the adjutant's returns, amounted to 
nearly thirty thousand, of which number nineteen thou- 
sand five hundred were in Philadelphia, and ten thou- 
sand four hundred in New York. There were besides 
three thousand seven hundred in Rhode Island ; mak- 
ing the whole British army in the middle and eastern 
States upwards of thirty-three thousand. 

These numbers are much laro^er than was imao:ined 
by the council of war. The}^ estimated the enemy's 
force in Philadelphia at ten thousand, in New York at 
four thousand, and in Rhode Island at two thousand, 
besides cavalry and artillery. Upon this basis the 
question was discussed, whether it was expedient to 
take the field and act on the defensive, or wait till the 
plans of the enemy should become more obvious, and 
then be guided by circumstances. There was great 
unanimity in the decision. To take the city by storm 
was impracticable without a vastly superior force ; and 
equally so to carry it by siege or blockade, strongly 
fortified as it was by nature and artificial works, and 
by vessels of war. Militia might be called out, but it 
was uncertain in what numbers ; and, however nu- 
merous, they could not be depended on for such an 
enterprise. In every view of the subject, therefore, 
weighty objections presented themselves against any 
scheme of offensive operations. 

It was not long before affairs began to put on a new 
aspect. From the intelligence communicated by spies, 
and from various indications, it was suspected, that the 
enemy were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia. Sir 
William Howe, weary of a service in which he found 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 257 

himself gradually losing the confidence of his em- 
ployers and supplying his enemies with weapons to 
assail his reputation, and thinking his honors dearly 
bought at such a price, had asked to be recalled, and 
his request was granted by the King. He was suc- 
ceeded, in the command of his Majesty's forces in 
America, by Sir Henry Clinton, who had been made 
knight of the order of the Bath during the past year. 
The treaties between France and the United States 
were regarded by the court of Great Britain as a dec- 
laration of war on the part of France, and caused a 
change in the plans of the ministry for conducting the 
contest in America. It was resolved to make a sud- 
den descent upon some of the French possessions in 
the West Indies. To aid in executing this project, Sir 
Honry Clinton was ordered to send five thousand men 
from his army ; and also three thousand more to 
Florida; and to withdraw the remainder to New 
York. Another reason for this last movement was 
the probability, that a French fleet would soon appear 
at the mouth of the Delaware, and thus blockade the 
shipping in that river, and put in jeopardy the army, 
diminished as it would be by the departure of the 
above detachments. 

Sir Henry Clinton first intended to proceed by water 
with his Avhole army to New York ; but this was found 
impracticable for want of transports. He therefore 
shipped his cavalry, part of the German troops, the 
American loyalists, his provision train and heavy 
baggage, on board such vessels as were in the river, 
and prepared to march through New Jersey with the 
main body of his army. 

While these preparations were making with as much 
secrecy as possible by the British commander, Wash- 
ington sent out from Yalley Forge a detachment of 
TAvo thousand, men under the Marquis de Lafayette, 
17 



258 LI^E OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

the object of which was to cover the country between 
the Delaware and Schuylkill, to interrupt the com- 
munication with Philadelphia, to obstruct the incur- 
sions of the enemy's parties, and gain intelligence of 
their motions and designs. Lafayette marched to 
Barren Hill, and, while stationed there, a large part of 
the British army came out by a forced march in the 
night, with the intention of attacking him by sur- 
prise, and cutting off his detachment. Owing to the 
negligence, disobedience, or treachery of a picket 
guard, Lafayette was nearly surrounded by the enemy 
before he was informed of their approach ; but, by a 
very skilful maneuver, quickly conceived and per- 
formed in a masterly manner, he gained a ford and 
drew off his whole detachment across the Schuylkill, 
wdth the loss of only nine men killed and taken. The 
enemy retreated to Philadelphia. 

To obstruct the progress of the British troops, in case 
they should take the route over land to New York, 
General Maxwell was ordered to cross the Delaware 
with a brigade, and to act in concert with General 
Dickinson, who commanded the New Jersey militia. 
It being more and more evident, that Sir Henry Clin- 
ton was preparing to move by land, the opinion of the 
general officers was required, as to the operations in 
consequence of that event. The principal point to be 
considered was, whether the army should pursue the 
British, fall upon their rear, and bring on an engage- 
ment. Opinions were various ; but nearly all the 
officers w^ere opposed to an attack, on account of the 
superiority of the enemy in force and discipline. 
General Lee, who had been exchanged, and had re- 
cently joined the army, argued vehemently against 
such a step. Some of the officers agreed with hira ; 
others, who were unwilling to advise a general action, 
thought that the enemy should at any rate be harassed 



JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 259 

in their march, and that an engagement, though not 
to be sought, should not be avoided if circumstances 
rendered it expedient. 

The news of the evacuation of Philadelphia, which 
took place in the morning of the 18th of June, was re- 
ceived while the subject was still under discussion. 
General Arnold, who had not yet entirely recovered 
from the wound he received at Saratoga, was ordered 
to march with a small detachment into the city, and 
to retain the command there. General Lee and Gen- 
eral Wayne, each at the head of a division, took the 
road to Coryell's Ferry, with orders to halt on the first 
strong ground after passing the river. Washington 
followed, and in six days the whole army had crossed 
the Delaware, and arrived at Hopewell, five miles from 
Princeton. Detachments in the mean time had been 
sent to impede the enemy's march. Morgan's corps of 
six hundred men was ordered to gain their right flank. 
Maxwell's brigade to hang on their left, and General 
Scott, with fifteen hundred chosen troops, to gall their 
left flank and rear. To these were joined the ]N"ew 
Jersey militia under General Dickinson, and a party of 
volunteers from Pennsylvania commanded by Gen- 
eral Cadwalader. 

After the British had crossed the river and landed 
at Gloucester Point, they marched by the way of Had- 
donfield and Mount Holly, and moved on slowly till 
they came to Crosswicks and Allen Town. Being en- 
cumbered with a long train of wagons and bat-horses, 
and confined to a single road, their line extended near- 
ly twelve miles. It was necessary, also, to stop and 
build bridges over every stream and the marshy ground, 
as the bridges had all been destroyed by the Americans. 
These interruptions retarded their progress. Nor was 
it till he reached Allen Town, that Sir Henry Clinton 
decided what direction he should take from that place. 



260 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

It was his first purpose to proceed to the Karitan, and 
embark his troops at Brunswick or South Am boy for 
New York. But, finding AVashington ahnost in his 
front, and deeming it imprudent to hazard a battle 
while his army was so much encumbered, and on such 
ground as his antagonist might choose, he turned to 
the right, and took the road leading to Monmouth and 
Sandy Hook. 

At this time Washington's army had advanced to 
Kingston. In a council of war, convened at Hopewell, 
the question was again discussed, as to the mode of 
attacking the enemy. Sir Henry Clinton's force was 
supposed to consist of nine or ten thousand effective 
men. The Continental troops under Washington 
amounted to a little over twelve thousand ; and there 
were about thirteen hundred militia. General Lee stiU 
persisted in the same sentiments as at first ; and, as he 
was now next in rank to the Commander-in-chief, and 
an officer of long experience, his opinions and argu- 
ments had great Aveight in the council. lie seemed 
averse to any kind of interference with the enemy ; 
but he acceded to a proposal, in which he was joined 
by five others, that fifteen hundred men should be sent 
to hang on their rear. Six general ofiicers, namely 
Greene, Lafayette, Steuben, Wayne, Duportail, and 
Paterson, were for sending twentj^-five hundred men, 
or at least two thousand, which should be followed by 
the main army at such a distance as to afford support, 
if it should be necessary. It was clearly the wish of 
these officers to draw the enemy into a general en- 
gagement, if it could be done under favorable circum- 
stances. Indeed Greene, Lafayette, and Wayne de- 
clared their sentiments to this effect in writing. 

Thus embarrassed with the divided opinions of his 
ofBlcers, Washington had a delicate part to act. There 
can be no doubt, however^ that his own Judgment 



JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 

strongl}^ inclined him to seek an engagement, from the 
time he left Yalley Forge. The reputation of the 
army, and the expectation of the country, in his view 
required it ; and he believed the chances of success at 
least sufficient to authorize the attempt. After the 
council at Hopewell, therefore, he asked no further 
advice, but proceeded on his individual responsibility. 
He immediately ordered a detachment of one thousand 
men under General Wayne to join the troops already 
near the enemy, and gave to General Lafayette the 
command of all the advanced parties, amounting now 
to about three thousand eight hundred men, including 
militia. 

In his instructions to Lafayette he said : " You are 
to use the most effectual means for gaining the enemy's 
left flank, and giving every degree of annoyance. For 
these purposes you will attack them as occasion may 
require bv detachment, and. if a proper opening should 
be given, b}^ operating against them with your whole 
command." Foreseeing that these orders, executed 
with the spirit and ardor which characterized Lafayette, 
would soon lead to an action with a large part of the 
enemy's force, Washington prepared to sustain the 
advanced division, keeping within a distance proper for 
that purpose. 

General Lee's seniority of rank entitled him to the 
comm-and of all the advanced detachments ; but, dis- 
approving the plans of the Commander-in-chief and 
believing they would fail, he voluntarily yielded his 
claims to Lafayette. After this arrangement had been 
made with Washington's consent, and Lafayette had 
marched towards the enemy, Lee changed his mind and 
applied to be reinstated. As Lafayette could not with 
any degree of justice or propriety be recalled, Wash- 
ington resorted to an expedient, which he hoped would 
preserve harmony, although it might not be entirely 



262 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17T8. 

satisfactory to either of the partdes. He put Le@ at 
the head of two additional brigades, with orders to joia 
the advanced detachments, when he would of course 
have the command of the whole ; but directed him at 
the same time to give Lafayette notice of his approach, 
and to afford him all the assistance in his power for 
prosecuting any enterprise, which he might already have 
undertaken or planned. He wrote also to Lafayette, 
explaining the dilemma into which he was thrown by 
the vacillating conduct of General Lee, and expressing 
a conviction that he would cheerfully acquiesce in a 
measure, which the exigency of the occasion rendered 
necessary. 

While the main array moved forward to Cranberry, 
and the advanced parties were hovering around the 
enemy's flanks and rear. Sir Henry Clinton changed 
the disposition of his line, placing the baggage train 
in front, and his best troops in the rear. With his 
army thus arranged, he encamped in a strong position 
near Monmouth Court-House, secured on nearl}^ all 
sides by woods and marshy grounds. This was his 
situation on the morning of the 28th of June. Wash- 
ington was at this time six or seven miles distant, and, 
receiving intelligence at five o'clock, that the enemy's 
front had begun to march, he instantly put the army 
in motion, and sent orders to General Lee by one of 
his aides to move on and commence the attack, " unless 
there should be very powerful reasons to the contrar}^," 
acquainting him at the same time, that he should come 
up as soon as possible to his support. 

After marching about five miles, he was surprised 
and mortified to learn, that the whole of Lee's division, 
amounting to five thousand men, was by his orders 
retreating, without having made any opposition except 
one fire from a party, which had been charged by th« 
enemy's cavalry. The situation was the more critical 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 263 

and alarming, as General Lee had given no notice of 
his retreat, but was marching his troops into the lace 
of the rear division, thus running the hazard of throw- 
ing all parts of the army into confusion at the moment 
when the enemy were pressing upon him with unim- 
peded force.* 

Washington rode immediately to the rear of the re- 
treating division, where he found General Lee, and, 
accosting him with a warmth in his language and 
manner, which showed his disappointment and dis- 
pleasure, he ordered the troops to be formed and 
brought into action. Lee promptly obeyed, and with 
some difficulty the order of battle was restored m time 
to check the advance of the enemy before the other 
division came up. ' . » ,, 

A disposition of the left wing and second line ot tbe 
army was then made on an eminence, and partly m a 
wood, covered by a morass in front. This wmg was 
commanded by Lord Stirling, who placed some bat- 
teries of cannon in such a manner as to play upon 
the enemy with great effect, and, aided by parties of 
infantrv, to put a stop to their advance in that direction. 
General Greene commanded their right wmg, and on 
the march he had been ordered to file off and take a 
road, which would bring him upon the enemy's flank. 
On hearing of the retreat he marched up and took 
a very advantageous position on the right. Being 

• T ee had maneuvered near the enemy for some time with the apparent 
intPnt?on of ^rrckint them. While thus engaged, a party of British troops 
^nvPd towards his r1^ and so placed itself that Lafayette thought 

a faTr opp^rtunit "oSred for cutting it off. He rode quickly up to Lee and 

Terhpten^nditwas^^^^ 

IFdll ar'r iv^d f or'ntergen^e^a^^ returning, Lafayette desired him 

?o say to the General that his presence at the scene of ^f ^on wasextremel^ 
Si^t^t. Before this message reached him, the retreat had begun. 



264 T^fFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

warmly opposed in front, the enemy attempted next 
to turn the American left flank, but were repulsed and 
driven back ; and a similar movement to the right was 
equally unsuccessful, as they were bravely met by the 
troops with artillery under General Greene. In the 
meantime General Wayne advanced with a body of 
infantry, and kept up so hot and well-directed a fire 
upon the enemy's front, that they retired behind a 
marshy ravine to the ground which they had occupied 
at the beginning of the engagement. 

In this situation both their flanks were secured by 
woods and morasses, and they could be approached in 
front only through a narrow pass. Two bodies of 
troops were ordered to move round and gain their 
right and left, while the artillery should gall them in 
front. Before these movements could be eff'ected, night 
came on and put an end to the action. Intending to 
renew the contest in the morning, Washington di- 
rected all the troops to lie upon their arms in the 
places where they happened to be stationed at dark. 
Wrapped in his cloak, he passed the night on the field 
of battle in the midst of his soldiers. But, when the 
morning dawned, no enemy was to be seen. Sir Henry 
Clinton had silently withdrawn his troops during the 
night, and followed his baggage train on the road 
leading to Middletown. As he would have gained 
commanding ground, where he might choose his own 
position, before he could be overtaken, and as the 
troops had suffered exceedingly from the intense heat 
of the weather and fatigue, it was not thought ex- 
pedient to continue the pursuit. 

This battle, though it can hardly be said to have 
resulted in a victor}^, was nevertheless honorable to the 
American arms, and, after the inaufespicious retreat of 
the first division, was fought with skill and bravery. 
It was probably in all respects as successful as Wash- 



Mt. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 265 

ington had hoped. Congress passed a unanimous vot« 
of thanks to the Commander and the army. 

Four British officers and two hundred and fortj-fiv© 
privates were left dead on the field, and were buried 
by the Americans. It appeared that others were like- 
wise buried by the enemy, making the whole number of 
killed nearly three hundred. The American loss was 
sixty-nine killed. Several soldiers on both sides are 
said to have died in consequence of the extreme heat of 
the day, and it is probable that the number of Ameri- 
cans reported as killed does not include all that died 
from this cause. 

But the loss of Sir Henry Clinton in battle made 
but a small part of the diminution of his army while 
marching through Jersey. One hundred were taken 
prisoners, and more than six hundred deserters arrived 
in Philadelphia within three weeks from the time he 
left it, being drawn thither chiefly by the attachments 
they had formed during eight months' residence in the 
city. Others also escaped into the country while on 
the march ; so that the army, when it reached New 
York, had suffered a reduction of at least twelve hun- 
dred men. 

After the action, Sir Henry Clinton proceeded to 
Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe's fleet, having come 
round from the Delaware, was in readiness to convey 
the troops to New York. Washington marched to 
Hudson's River, crossed at King's Ferry, and en- 
camped near White Plains. 

The pride of General Lee was wounded by the 
lano:uao;e which Washino^ton used when he met him 
retreating. The day after the action, Lee wrote a let- 
ter to Washington, containing expressions which no 
officer could with propriety address to his superior. 
This was answered in a tone that rather tended to in- 
crease than soothe his irritation, and he replied in 



2eQ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. \mS. 

terms still more offensive. In a subsequent note, writ- 
ten the same day, be requested tbat bis case migbt be 
referred to a court-martial. He was accordingly put 
in arrest, under tbree charges : first, disobedience of 
orders in not attacking the enemy, agreeably to re- 
peated instructions ; secondl}^, misbehavior before the 
enemy, in making an unnecessary, disorderly and 
shameful retreat; thirdly, disrespect to the Com- 
mander-in-chief in two letters written after the action. 
A court-martial w^as summoned, "which sat from time 
to time for three weeks while the army was on its 
march ; and finally declared their opinion that Gen- 
eral Lee was guilty of all the charges, and sentenced 
him to be suspended from all command in the army of 
the United States for the term of twelve months. In 
the written opinion of the court, the second charge 
was modified by omitting the word " shameful " ; but 
in all other respects the charges were allowed to be 
sustained by the testimony. Congress approved the 
sentence. General Lee left the army, and never joined 
it again. He died four years afterwards in Phila- 
delphia.* 

* Soon after General Lee rejoined the army at Valley Forge, a curious inci- 
dent occurred. By an order of Congress, General 'SV^nsliingtou was required to 
administer the oath of allegiance to the general officers. The major-generals 
stood around Washington, and took hold of a Bible together according to th(r 
usual custom ; hut, just as he began to administer the oath, Lee deliberately 
■withdrew his hand twice. This movement was so singular, and was performed 
in so odd a manner, that the officers smiled, and Washington inquired the mean- 
ing of his hesitancy. Lee replied, "As to King George, I am ready enough to 
absolve myself from all allegiance to him, but I have some scruples about the 
Prince of Wales." The strangeness of this reply was such that the ofilcers 
burst into a broad laugh, and even Washington could not refrain from a 
smile. The ceremony was of course interrupted. It was renewed as soon as 
a composure was restored proper for the solemnity of the occasion, and Lee 
took the oath with the other officers. Connected with the subsequent conduct 
of General Lee, this incident was thought by some who were acquainted with 
it to have a deepe meaning than at first appeared, and to indicate a less 
ardent and fixed patriotism towards the United States than was consistent 
with the rank and professions of the second officer in the command of the 
American forces. 



^Et. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 267 



CHAPTEH XXIY. 

Arrival ot tne French Fleet under Count d'Estaing. — Plans for combined 
Operations between the Fleet and the American army.— Failure of an At- 
tempt against the Enemy at Rhode Island.— Cantonments of the Army for 
the Winter. — Exchange of prisoners. — Congress. — Project of an Expedition 
to Canada. 

Before the army crossed the Hudson, General 
"Washington heard of the arrival of Count d'Estaing 
on the coast with a French fleet, consisting of twelve 
ships of the line and four frigates. The admiral 
touched at the Capes of the Delaware, where he was 
informed of the evacuation of Philadelphia, and, after 
despatching up the river one of his frigates, on board 
of which was M. Gerard, the first minister from 
France to the United States, he sailed for Sandy Hook. 
Xo time was lost by General Washington in sending 
him a letter of congratulation, and proposing to co- 
operate with him in canning any plans into execution, 
which might be concerted for attacking the enemy. 
Colonel Laurens, one of his aides-de-camp, was the 
bearer of this letter, to whom the Count was referred 
for such information as he might Avish to obtain. 
When it was known that the fleet had arrived at the 
Hook, Colonel Hamilton, another confidential aid, was 
sent on board accompanied by four skilful pilots, and 
instructed to explain the General's views fully to Count 
d'Estaing. 

If it should be found practicable for the French 
vessels to pass the bar, and engage the British fleet 
then at anchor w^ithin the Hook, it was supposed a 
simultaneous attack on the land side might be made to 
advantage ; and indeed not without a prospect of very 



268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1?78. 

fortunate results, if the French should be able by a 
naval victory to enter the harbor and ascend to the 
city. These hopes were soon dissipated by the unani- 
mous opinion of the pilots, that there was not sufficient 
depth of water to admit Count d'Estaing's heavy ships 
over the bar, and by their refusal to take the responsi- 
bility of attempting to conduct them through the 
channel. 

The only enterprise, that now remained, w^as an at- 
tack on the enemy at Rhode Island, where six thousand 
British troops were stationed, chiefly in garrison at 
Newport, and protected by a few small vessels, batter- 
ies, and strong intrenchments. The French squadron 
departed for that place, without being molested by 
Lord Howe, whose force was not such as to encourage 
him to go out and give battle. Anticipating the 
French admiral's determination, Washington prepared 
to lend all the aid in his power to make it effectual. 
General Sullivan was already in Providence, at the 
head of a considerable body of Continental troops ; 
and he was ordered to apply to the States of Eh ode 
Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut for militia 
enough to augment his force to at least five thousand 
men. A detachment of two brigades marched from 
the main army under Lafayette, who was followed by 
General Greene. The events of this expedition do not 
fall within the limits of the present narrative. Vari- 
ous causes contributed to its failure, by defeating the 
combined action of the land and naval forces. Count 
d'Estaing's fleet after leaving Newport, was so much 
crippled by a tremendous storm, and a partial engage- 
ment at sea, that he put into the harbor of Boston to 
refit, where he remained till November. 

The disagreements which unhappily existed between 
the American and French officers at Rhode Island, gave 
the deepest concern to Washington. In a letter to 



Mt. 46.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^60 

Lafayette, who had communicated the particulars, he 
lamented it as a misfortune, which might end in a ser- 
ious injury to the public interest ; and he endeavored 
to assuage the rising animosity of the parties by coun- 
sels equally creditable to his feelings as a man and to 
his patriotism. 

To Count d'Estaing he wrote in language not less 
delicate and conciliatory, nor less fitted to remove un- 
favorable impressions. 

In compliance with the order from the ministry 
given early in the season, Sir Henry Clinton detached 
five thousand men to the "West Indies and three thou- 
sand to Florida ; but there was much delay in fitting 
out these expeditions, and the troops did not actually 
sail till near the end of October. Lord Howe's fleet 
in the meantime had been reinforced by a squadron 
from Europe. As neither the orders nor the plans of 
the British general were known, it was conjectured 
that he might have in view a stroke upon Count 
d'Estaing's fleet in Boston harbor, and perhaps an at- 
tack upon that town. It is probable also that General 
Clinton gave currency to rumors of this sort, for the 
purpose of diverting the attention of the Americans 
from his real objects. A report gained credit, believed 
to have come from good authority, that JSTew York was 
to be evacuated. Washington suspected the true origin 
of this rumor, and could not persuade himself that an 
eastern expedition was intended; yet the public im- 
pression and the conviction of some of his officers were 
so strong, as to its reality, that he took measures to 
guard against it. 

He established his headquarters at Fredericksburg, 
thirty miles from West Point, near the borders of Con- 
necticut, and sent forward a division under General 
Gates to Danbury. The roads were repaired as far as 
Hartford, to facilitate the march of the troops, and 



^70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [HTS. 

three brigades were despatched to that place. General 
Gates went to Boston, and took command of tlie east- 
ern department, as successor to General Heath. These 
operations kept the army employed on the east side of 
the Hudson River more than four months, till it was 
finally ascertained that the enemy had no designs in 
that direction. 

Sir Henry Clinton took care to profit by this diver- 
sion of the American army. Foraging parties passed 
over to JSTew Jersey, and ravaged the country. One 
of these parties attacked Baylor's dragoons in the 
night, at a short distance from Tappan, rushing upon 
them with the bayonet, and committing indiscriminate 
slaughter. A similar assault was made upon Pulaski's 
legion at Egg Harbor. Both these adventures were 
attended with such acts of cruelty on the part of the 
enemy, as are seldom practised in civilized warfare. 
And they were not less impolitic than cruel, beiug re- 
garded with universal indignation and horror by the 
peo])le, and exciting a spirit of hatred and revenge, 
w^hich would necessarily react in one form or another 
upon their foes. In fact this point of policy was 
strangely misunderstood hy the British, or more 
strangely perverted, at every stage of the contest. 
They had many friends in the country, whom it was 
their interest to retain, and they professed a desire to 
conciliate others ; yet they burned and destroyed 
tow^ns, villages, and detached farmhouses, ])lun(]ered 
the inhabitants without distinction, and brought down 
the savages with the tomahawk and scalping-knife 
upon the defenseless frontier settlements, marking tlieir 
course in every direction with murder, desolation, and 
ruin. The ministry approved and encouraged these 
atrocities, flattering themselves that the people would 
sink under their sufferings, bewail their unhapp>y con- 
dition, become tired of the war, and compel their lead. 



Mt. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 271 

ers to seek an accommodation. The effect was directly 
the contrary in every instance. The people Vnew their 
rights, and had the common feelings of humanity ; and, 
when the former were wantonly invaded and the latter 
outraged, it was natural tliat their passions should be 
inflamed, and that they who were at first pacifically 
inclined should be roused to resistance and retaliation. 
If the British cabinet had aimed to defeat its own ob- 
jects, and to consolidate the American people into a 
united phalanx of opposition, it could not have chosen 
or pursued more effectual methods. 

The campaign being closed, General Washington 
prepared to put the army into winter quarters. 'Nine 
brigades were stationed on the west side of Hudson's 
Kiver, exclusive of the garrison at West Point. One 
of these was near Smith's Clove, where it could serve 
as a reinforcement to Y/est Point, should this be nec- 
essary ; one at Elizabethtown ; and the other seven at 
Middlebrook, which place was likevvise selected for 
headquarters. Six brigades were cantoned on the 
east side of the Hudson and at West Point as follows : 
one at West Point, two at the Continental Yillage, a 
post between Fishkill and West Point, and three in 
the vicinity of Danbur}^ in Connecticut. The artillery 
was at Pluckemin. A line of cantonments was thus 
formed around New York from Long Island Sound to 
the Delaware, so disposed as to afford security to the 
country, and to reinforce each other in case of an ex- 
cursion of the enemy to any particular point. The 
other important objects intended by this disposition 
were the comfort, discipline, and easy subsistence of 
the troops. General Putnam com.manded at Danbury, 
and General McDouo^all in the Hio-blands. In the 
expectation that the British detachments, which sailed 
from New York, might act in the winter against South 
Carolina and Georgia, General Lincoln was sent by 



272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177a. 

order of Congress to take the command of the southern 
department. 

The four regiments of cavalry were widely sepa- 
rated ; one being at Winchester in Virginia, another 
at Frederic in Maryland, a third at Lancaster in Penn- 
sylvania, and a fourth at Durham in Connecticut. 
These cantonments were chosen apparently with a 
view to the convenience of procuring forage. 

The exchange of prisoners continued to be a trouble- 
some and perplexing subject. Arrangements had been 
made with Sir William HoAve, before he left Philadel- 
phia, by which exchanges to a certain extent had been 
effected. But new difficulties arose in regard to what 
were called the Convention Troops. Although Con- 
gress had ratified the convention of Saratoga, yet for 
various reasons they did not permit Burgoync's army 
to embark for Europe according to the terms of that 
convention. Washington had no concern with this 
affair, except to execute the orders of Congress. These 
troops being thus retained in the country, it was finally 
agreed, on the part of the British commander, that 
they should be exchanged for American prisoners in 
his hands. But the conditions prescribed by Congress 
were such, that it was a long time before the object 
was attained. They proposed that officers of equal 
rank should first be exchanged ; next, superior officers 
for an equivalent number of inferior ; and if, after all 
the officers of the enemy should be exchanged, there 
should still be a surplus of American officers among 
the prisoners, they were to be exchanged for an equiv- 
alent number of privates of the convention troops. 

This principle was objected to by Sir Henry Clinton 
on two grounds ; first, it separated the officers from 
the corps to which the}'' were attached ; and, secondly,, 
it gave an advantage to the Americans, inasmuch as 
their officers could go immediately into active service, 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 278 

Avhereas the British oflficers must remain idle till the 
privates constituting the corps to which they belonged 
should be released. Congress did not choose to relax 
from their resolves, and the business of exchange was 
a perpetual source of vexation. In short, the interests 
of the two parties were so much at variance, that it 
was not easy to reconcile them. The difficulty of pro- 
curing soldiers in Europe, and the great expense of 
bringing them over and maintaining them, rendered 
every man of vastly more importance to the British 
army, than in the American ranks, which could be 
filled up with militia when the occasion required. 
Hence the British general was always extremely so- 
licitous to procure the exchange of his private soldiers, 
and Congress equally averse to gratifying him in this 
point. There was another reason, which operated with 
considerable weight on both sides. The British prison- 
ers were mostly German troops, who had no affection 
for the cause in which they were engaged, and who, 
while in the country under a loose system of military 
discipline, had many facilities and temptations to 
desert. 

There w^as another cause of anxiety in the breast of 
"Washington, which began now to be felt more seri- 
ously than at any former period of the war. The men 
of talents and influence, who had taken the lead and 
combined their strength in raising the standard of in- 
dependence, had gradually withdrawn from Congress, 
till that body was left small in number, and compara- 
tively feeble in counsels and resource. For the year 
past, the number of delegates present had seldom 
averaged over thirty, and sometimes it was under 
twenty-five. "Whole States were frequently unrepre- 
sented ; and indeed it was seldom, that every State 
was so fully represented as to entitle it to a vote. 
And at no time were private jealousies and party feuds 
i8 



274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

more rife or mischievous in their effects. These symp- 
toms were alarming to every true friend of his coun- 
try, who reflected on their tendency, and they filled 
the mind of Washington with deep concern. To those, 
in whom he had confidence, he laid open his fears, and 
endeavored to awaken a sense of the public danger. 

The conquest of Canada was always a favorite proj- 
ect with Congress ; and at this time, when the 
British forces were divided by being employed against 
the French in the West Indies, it was thought that a 
good opportunity offered itself for turning the arms 
of the United States against that province. After the 
termination of the affair at Long Island, the Marquis 
de Lafayette went to Philadelphia, and obtained a 
furlough from Congress, with the intention of return- 
ing to France on a short visit. In concert with him 
a plan was formed of an attack on Canada, which was 
to be the principal object of the ensuing campaign, 
and the basis of which was a cooperation with a French 
fleet and army. Lafayette was to have full instruc- 
tions for arranging the matter with the court of Yer- 
sailles, aided by the counsel and support of Dr. Frank- 
lin, then the American plenipotentiary in France. 

The plan Avas on a very large scale. Attacks were to 
be made by the American army at three points far dis- 
tant from each other, namely, Detroit, I^iagara, and 
by way of the Connecticut Eiver, wiiile a French fleet 
should ascend the St. Lawrence, with four or five 
thousand troops, and act against Quebec. The scheme 
was discussed, matured, and approved with much 
unanimity in Congress, and then sent to Washington 
with the request that he would communicate his senti- 
ments. He replied in a long despatch, entering 
minutely into the subject, and showing that the plan 
was impracticable ; that it required resources in troops 
and money, which were not to be had ; that it would 



Mt. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 

involve Congress in engagements to their ally, which 
it would be impossible to fulfil ; and that it was in 
itself so extensive and complicated, as to hold out no 
reasonable hope of success, even with all the requisite 
means of pursuing it. 

Such was his opinion in a military view. But the 
subject presented itself to him in another aspect, in 
which he thought it deserved special consideration. 
Canada formerly belonged to France, and had been 
severed from her in a manner, which, if not humiliat- 
ing to her pride, contributed nothing to her glory. 
TVould she not be eager to recover this lost province ? 
If it should be conquered with her aid, would she not 
claim it at the peace as rightfully belonging to her, 
and be able to advance plausible reasons for such a 
demand ? Would not the acquisition itself hold out a 
strong temptation ? The territory abounded in sup- 
plies for the use of her Islands, it opened a wide field 
of commerce Avith the Indian nations, it would give 
her the command of posts on this continent independ- 
ent of the precarious good will of an ally, it would 
put her in a condition to engross the whole trade of 
Newfoundland, and above all, it would afford her 
facilities for awing and controlling the United States, 
" the natural and most formidable rival of every mari- 
time power in Europe." He added, " France, acknowl- 
edged for some time past the most powerful monarchy 
in Europe by land, able now to dispute the empire of 
the sea with Great Britain, and, if joined with Spain, 
I may say, certainly superior, possessed of New Or- 
leans on our right, Canada on our left, and seconded 
by the numerous tribes of Indians in our rear from 
one extremity to the other, a people so generally 
friendly to her, and whom she knows so well how to 
conciliate, would, it is much to be apprehended, have 
it in her power to give la,w to these States," 



276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

These sentiments, he said, did not grow out of any 
distrust of the good faith of France in the alliance she 
had formed. On the contrary, he was willing to en- 
tertain and cherish the most favorable impressions, in 
regard to her motives and aims. " But," he added 
again, " it is a maxim founded on the universal ex- 
perience of mankind, that no nation is to be trusted 
further than it is bound by its interest; and no prudent 
statesman or politician will venture to depart from it. 
In our circumstances we ought to be particularly cau- 
tious : for we have not vet attained sufficient victor 
and maturity to recover from the shock of any false 
step, into which we may unwarily fall. If France 
should even engage in the scheme, in the first in- 
stance, with the purest intentions, there is the greatest 
danger, that, in the progress of the business, invited 
to it by circumstances, and perhaps urged on by the 
solicitations and wishes of the Canadians, she would 
alter her views." In short, allowing all his apprehen- 
sions to be unfounded, he was still reluctant to multiply 
national obligations or to give to any foreign power 
claims of merit for services performed beyond what 
was absolutely indispensable. 

The observations and reasonings of the Commander- 
in-chief were so far operative on Congress, as to induce 
them at once to narrow their scheme, though not en- 
tirely to give it up. They participated in the general 
opinion, that the war with France would necessaril}^ 
employ the British fleet and troops in other parts of 
the world, and that they would soon evacuate the towns 
on the seacoast of the United States. In this event, 
they thought an expedition against Canada should still 
be the object of the campaign, and that preparations 
should accordingly be made. They requested General 
Washington to write to Dr. Franklin, and to the 
Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at Boston, ready 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2YT 

to depart for Europe, and state to them sucli details 
as might be laid before the French court, in order 
that eventual measures might be taken for cooperation 
in case an armament should be sent to Quebec from 
France. The plan in this shape, however, was not 
more satisfactory to him, than in its original form. 
He saw no reason for supposing the British would 
evacuate the States, and he believed a system of opera- 
tions built upon that basis would fail. At any rate he 
Tvas not prepared to hazard the responsibility of draw- 
ing the French government into a measure so full of 
un'certainty, and depending on so many contingencies. 
The army being now in winter quarters, and his 
presence with it not being essential, he suggested the 
expediency of a personal interview with the members 
of Congress, in which his sentiments could be more 
fully explained than by writing. This proposition 
was approved. He arrived in Philadephia on the 24:th 
of December, and, after several discussions between 
him and a committee of Congress, the Canada scheme 
was wholly laid aside. 

It is a remarkable fact, as connected with the above 
suspicions on political grounds, that the French gov- 
ernment was decidedly opposed to an expedition 
against Canada. The French minister in the United 
States was instructed, before he left France, not to 
favor any projects of conquest ; and it was the policy 
of the court of Versailles, that Canada and ^N'ova 
Scotia should remain in the power of Great Britain. 
The reasons for this policy may not be obvious ; but 
the fact is unquestionable. It is to be considered, 
however, that France had by treaty pledged herself to 
carry on the war, till the independence of the United 
States should be secured ; but she had not engaged to 
fight for conquests, nor for the extension of the terri- 
tories of the United St>ates beyond their original limits, 



278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

Such an engagement would have bound her to con- 
tinue the war indefinitely, with no other object than 
to gratify the ambition or enmity of her ally, while 
every motive of interest and of national honor might 
prompt her to seek for peace. It was evident, too, that 
the pride of England, humbled by conceding the inde- 
pendence of her revolted colonies, would never brook 
the severance of her other provinces by the direct 
agency of France. All conquests thus made, therefore, 
would perplex the negotiations for peace, and might 
involve France in a protracted war, without the least 
prospect of advantage to herself. Hence she resolved 
to adhere strictly to her pledge in the treaty of alliance. 
But although the French minister in America was in- 
structed not to hold out encouragement of cooperation 
in plans of conquest, yet he was at the same time di- 
rected not to throw any obstacles in the way ; thus 
leaving the United States to decide and act for them- 
selves. Should they gain conquests by their own 
strength, these might reasonably be claimed by them in 
a treaty of peace, without embarrassing the relations 
betweeen France and England. 



Mt, 46.) LIFE OF WASHINOTOlCe 279 



CHAPTER XXy. 

Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the next Cam- 
paign.— Sullivan's expedition against the Indians.—The Enemy commences 
a predatory Warfare.—The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk.— 
Stoney Point stormed and taken.— Successful Enter rise against Paulus 
Hook— "Washington's Interviews with the French Minister.— Plans proposed 
for cooperating with Count d' Estaing. — The Army goes into Winter Quar- 
ters.— Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects. 

General Washington remained in Philadelphia 
about five weeks, holding conferences with a committee 
of Congress, and making arrangements for the cam- 
paign of 1779. He suggested three plans, with re- 
marks on the mode of executing them, and the prob- 
able result of each. The first plan had in view an 
attempt to drive the enemy from their posts on the 
seacoast; the second, an attack on Niagara, and an 
offensive position in that quarter ; and, by the third, it 
was proposed to hold the army entirely on the defen- 
sive, except such operations as would be necessary to 
chastise the Indians, who had committed depredations 
on the frontiers during the past year, and who, em- 
boldened by success, might be expected to repeat their 
ravages. 

After mature deliberation, and taking into the ac- 
count the exhausted state of the country in regard 
both to pecuniary resources and supplies for an army, 
it was decided to adopt the third plan as the best suited 
to circumstances, the least expensive, and perhaps the 
most beneficial in its ultimate effects. It would afford 
an opportunity to retrench the heavy charges of the 
war, and to pursue a system of economy imperiously 
demanded by the financial embarrassments in which 



280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

Congress had become involved, and thus enable them 
to do something for the relief of public credit, and for 
restoring the value of the currency, which was fast sink- 
ing into disrepute, unsettling prices, and threatening 
ruin to almost every branch of industry. It would also 
give repose to the country, and, by leaving a large 
number of laborers to cultivate the soil, contribute to 
increase the supplies so much wanted for the comfort 
of the people, as well as for the subsistence of the army. 

Having completed all the necessary arrangements 
with Congress, he returned to headquarters at Middle- 
brook. The infantry of the Continental army w^as 
organized for the campaign in eighty-eight battalions, 
apportioned to the several States, according to the 
ratio hitherto assumed. There were four regiments of 
cavalry and forty-nine companies of artiller3\ 

The objects of the campaign not requiring so large 
a number of men in the field as on former occasions, 
it w^as intended to bestow the more attention upon 
their discipline and practical skilL Baron Steuben, 
trained in the w^ars and under the eye of Frederic the 
Great, had been appointed inspector-general of the 
army the year before. He w^rote a system of tactics, 
w^hich was published, adopted, and put in practise. 
His services w^ere of great importance, both as an ex- 
perienced officer, and as a successful teacher of his 
system, by w^hich the discipline of the army w^as much 
improved, and the discordant exercises and evolutions of 
the troops from different States were reduced to method 
and uniformity. 

The winter and the spring passed away without the 
occurrence of any remarkable event. The British re- 
mained within their lines at New York, showing no 
disposition for hazardous adventures, and apparently 
making no preparation for any important expedition 
into the country. 



^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2Sl 

General Washington in the meantime turned his 
thoughts to the fitting out of an expedition against the 
Indians. The confederated Indians of the Six Nations, 
except the Oneidas and a few of the Mohawks, influ- 
enced by Sir John Johnson and British agents from 
Canada, became hostile to the United States, although 
at first they pretended to a sort of neutrality. Joined 
by a band of Tories, and persons of abandoned princi- 
ples collected from various parts, they fell upon the 
frontier settlements, and waged the most cruel and 
destructive war against the defenseless and unoffending 
inhabitants. The massacres at Cherr}^ Valley and 
Wyoming had filled every breast with horror, and 
humanity cried aloud for vengeance on the perpetrators 
of such deeds of atrocity. To break up these hordes 
of banditti, or at all events to drive them back and lay 
waste their territories, was the object of the expedi- 
tion. 

Four thousand Continental troops were detached for 
the purpose, who were joined by militia from the State 
of New York and independent companies from Penn- 
sylvania. The command of the whole was given to 
General Sullivan. Three thousand men rendezvoused 
at Wyoming, where General Sullivan first established 
his headquarters, and from which place he proceeded 
up the Susquehanna River into the Indian country. 
At the same time General James Clinton advanced 
with another division from the Mohawk River, by way 
of Otsego Lake and the east branch of the Susque- 
hanna, and formed a junction with Sullivan near the 
fork, where the two main branches of the river unite. 
The army, then amounting to about five thousand men, 
inclading militia, marched into the wilderness towards 
the Indian settlements. It was met and opposed by a 
body of Tories and Indians, who were soon routed and 
driven back. There was no other encounter, except 



282 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

slight skirmishes with small parties. Sullivan pursued 
a circuitous route as far as the Genesee River, des- 
troying all the villages, houses, corn, and provisions, 
which fell in his way. Every habitation was deserted, 
the Indians having retired with their families to the 
neighborhood of Niagara, where they were protected 
and supplied by a British garrison. The purpose of 
the expedition being attained, the army retraced its 
steps down the Susquehanna, to Wyoming, and ar- 
. rived there after an absence of a little more than two 
months. 

Sir Henry Clinton early in the spring sent a detach- 
ment of two thousand five hundred men to Virginia, 
commanded by General Matthews. They landed at 
Portsmouth, sacked the town, marched to Suffolk, des- 
troyed a magazine of provisions in that place, burnt 
the village and several detached private houses, and 
seized large quantities of tobacco. Many vessels were 
likewise captured, others were burnt and sunk, and 
much plunder was taken. With this booty they re- 
turned to JSTew York. The enterprise was executed in 
conformity with orders from the ministr}^, who, after 
the ill success of their commissioners, had adopted the 
policy of a predatory warfare on the seacoast, with 
the design of destroying the towns, ships, and maga- 
zines, conceiving, as expressed b\^ Lord George Ger- 
main, " that a war of this sort, carried on with spirit 
and humanity, would probably induce the rebellious 
provinces to return to their allegiance, or at least pre- 
vent their sending out that swarm of privateers, the 
success of which had encouraged them to persevere in 
their revolt." 

When the squadron returned from Yirginia, it was 
immediately joined by other vessels having on board a 
large body of troops, all of which sailed up Hudson's 
Kiver. This expedition was conducted by Sir Henry 



Mr. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283 

Clinton in person, and his first object was to take the 
posts at Stony .Point and Yerplanck's Point, situate on 
op]"'Osite sides of the Hudson, Avhere the Americans 
had thrown up works to protect King's Ferry, the 
raain channel of communication between the eastern 
and middle States. Should circumstances favor so 
bold an experiment, he intended next to endeavor to 
force his way into the Highlands, make himself master 
of the fortifications and strong passes, and thus secure 
the command of the Hudson. 

Being informed of the preparations in New York, 
and penetrating the designs of the British commander^ 
"Washington was at hand in time to prevent the exe- 
cution of the second part of the scheme. By rapid 
marches he drew his troops from their cantonments in 
'New Jersey, and placed them in such positions as to 
discourage Sir Henry Clinton from attempting any- 
thing further, than the capture of the tvv^o posts above 
mentioned, which were in no condition to resist a 
formidable fleet and an army of more than six thou- 
sand men. After this event, which happened on the 
1st of June, Clinton withdrew his forces down the 
river, and at length to New York, leaving a strong 
garrison at each of the posts, with orders to extend 
and complete the works begun by the Americans ; and 
also directing such a number of armed vessels and 
boats to remain there, as would be necessary to furnish 
supplies and contribute to their defense. 

General Washington removed his headquarters to 
New "Windsor, a few miles above West Point, dis- 
tributing his army chiefly in and near the Highlands, 
but stationing a force on each side of the river below, 
sufiicient to check any sudden incursion of the enemy. 

The system of devastation and plunder was vigor- 
ously pursued. About the beginning of July a detach- 
ment of two thousand six hundred men, under Gov- 



284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

ernor Tryon, sailed from New York into Long Island 
Sound. They first landed at New Haven, plundered 
the inhabitants indiscriminately, and burnt the stores 
on the wharfs. This being done, they embarked, and 
landed at Fairfield and Nor walk, which towns were 
reduced to ashes. Dwelling-houses, shops, churches, 
schoolhouses, and the shipping in the harbors, were 
destroyed. The soldiers pillaged without restraint, 
committing acts of violence, and exhibiting the horrors 
of war in some of their most revolting forms. It does 
not appear that there were troops, magazines, or pub- 
lic property in either of the towns. The waste and 
distress fell on individuals, who were pursuing the 
ordinary occupations of life. The people rallied in 
self-defense, and a few were killed ; but the enemy 
retired to their vessels before the militia could assemble 
in large numbers. 

The British commander hoped that this invasion 
of Connecticut would draw away the American arm}^ 
from the Highlands to a position where he might bring 
on an engagement under favorable circumstances. 
Washington's habitual caution guarded him against 
allowing such an advantage. On the contrary, while 
the enemy's forces were thus divided, he resolved to 
attack the strong post at Stony Point. " The neces- 
sity of doing something to satisfy the expectations of 
the people and i^econcile them to the defensive plan, 
which he was obliged to pursue, the value of the 
acquisition in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, 
and stores, which composed the garrison, the effect 
it would have upon the successive operations of the 
campaign, and the check it would give to the depreda- 
tions of the enemy," were, as he said, the motives 
which prompted him to this undertaking. He recon- 
noitered the post himself, and instructed Major Henry 
Lee, who was stationed near it with a party of cav- 



^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ggg 

alrj, to gain all tbe information in his power as to 
the condition of the works and the strength of the 
garrison. 

The enterprise was intrusted to General Wayne, 
who commanded a body of light infantry in advance of 
tbe main army, where he was placed to watch the 
movements of the enemy, to prevent their landing, and 
to attack separate parties whenever opportunities 
should offer. Having procured all the requisite in- 
formation, and determined to make the assault, Wash- 
ington communicated general instructions to Wayne in 
writing and conversation, leaving the rest to the well 
tried bravery and skill of that gallant olBBcer. 

The night of tbe 15th of July was fixed on for the 
attack. After a march of fourteen miles during the 
afternoon, the party arrived within a mile and a half 
of the enemy at eight o'clock in the evening. The 
works were then reconnoitered by the commander and 
the principal officers, and at half-past eleven the whole 
moved forward in two columns to the assault. The 
van of tbe right column consisted of one hundred and 
fifty volunteers with unloaded muskets and fixed bayo- 
nets, preceded by twenty picked men to remove the 
abatis and other obstructions. One hundred volunteers, 
preceded likewise by twenty men, composed the van 
of the left. Positive orders were given not to fire, but 
to rely wholly on the baj^onet, which orders were faith- 
fully obeyed. A deep morass in front of the enemy's 
works, and a double row of ahatis, retarded their prog- 
ress ; but these obstacles were soon overcome by the 
ardor of tbe troops, and the assault began about 
twenty minutes after twelve. From that time they 
pushed forward in the face of a tremendous fire of 
musketry and of cannon loaded with grapeshot, and 
both columns met in the center of the enemy's works, 
each arriving nearly at the same instant. General 



286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

"Wayne, who advanced with the right column, received 
a slight wound in the head, and Was supported into 
the works by his aides-de-camp. 

The assault was successful in all its parts. The 
number of prisoners was five hundred and forty-three, 
and the number killed on the side of the enemy was 
sixty-three. Of the assailing party fifteen were killed, 
and eighty-three wounded. Several cannons and 
mortars of various sizes, a larg'e number of muskets, 
shells, shot, and tents, and a proportional quantity of 
stores, were taken. The action, is allowed to have been 
one of the most brilliant of the Eevolution. Congress 
passed resolves complimentary to the officers and pri- 
vates, granting specific rewards, and directing the value 
of all the military stores taken in the garrison to be 
divided among the troops in proportion to the pay of 
the officers and men. Three different medals were 
ordered to be struck, emblematical of the action, and 
awarded respectively fo General Wayne, Colonel 
Fleury, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also passed a 
vote of thanks to Gennr^d Washington "for the vigil- 
ance, wisdom, and magnanimity, with which ho had 
conducted the military operations of the States," and 
especially as manife^tc?d in his orders for the late 
attack. 

It was his first intention, if the storming of Stony 
Point should prove successful, to make an immediate 
attempt against Yerplanck's Point, on the opposite side 
of the river. For thf fs purpose he had requested Gen- 
eral Wayne to forward the intelligence to headquarters 
through the hands of General McDougall, who com- 
manded at West Point, and who would be in readiness 
to send down a detachment by the way of Peekskill to 
attack YerplaBck^ Point on the land side, Avhile it was 
cannonaded from Stony Point across the river. By 
some misunderstanding, the messenger neglected to 



Mt. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 287 

call at West Point, and thus several hours were lost 
before General McDougall received the intelligence. 
To this delay has been ascribed the failure of the 
undertaking against Yerplanck's Point. From the 
letters of General McDougall and other officers written 
at the time, however, it is evident that the want of 
horses and conveniences for the transportation of 
artillery was such, as to render it impossible in any 
event to arrive at Yerplanck's Point with the adequate 
means of assault, before the enemy had assembled a 
sufficient force to give entire security to the garrison. 

When Washington examined Stony Point after the 
capture, he resolved to evacuate the post, remove the 
cannon and stores, and destroy the works. Being ac- 
cessible by the enemy's vessels of war, a larger number 
of men would be required for the defense than could 
properly be spared from the main army ; and at the 
same time it might be necessary to hazard a general 
action, which was by no means to be desired on such 
terms as would be imposed, and for such an object. 
Everything was brought off, except one heavy cannon. 
The enemy afterwards reoccupied the post, and re- 
paired the works. 

About a month after the storming of Stony Point, 
another enterprise imilar in its character, and net less 
daring was executed by Major Henry Lee. At the 
head of three hundred men, and a troop of dismounted 
dragoons, he surprised the enemy's post at Paulus 
Hook, opposite to JSTew York, and took one hundred and 
fifty-nine prisoners, having two only of his party killed 
and three wounded. The plan originated wath Major 
Lee, and great praise was bestowed upon him for the 
address and bravery with which it was executed. A 
medal of gold, commemorative of the event, was or- 
dered by Congress to be struck and presented to him. 

No other events of much importance happened in 



288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

the array under Washington's immediate command 
during the campaign. The British troops remained in- 
active at New York, and the Americans held their 
ground in the Highlands. In the course of this year 
the works at West Point and in its vicinity were chiefl\^ 
constructed. A part of the time two thousand five 
hundred men Avere on fatigue duty every day. Before 
the end of July the headquarters of the Commander- 
in-chief were removed to Wist Point, where he con- 
tinued for the rest of the season. 

As a few incidents of a personal nature intervene to 
vary the monotony of military operations, and of the 
great public afi'airs which occupied the thoughts of 
Washington, it may not be amiss to insert here a letter 
inviting a friend to dine with him at headquarters. It 
gives an idea of the manner in which he lived, and 
shows that he could sometimes be playful even when 
oppressed with public cares, and in the midst of the 
harassing duties of his command. The letter is ad- 
dressed to Dr. Cochran, surgeon-general in the army, 
and dated at West Point on the IGth of August. 

" Dear Doctor, 

" I have asked Mrs. Cochran and Mrs. Livingston to 
dine with me to-morrow ; but am I not in honor bound 
to apprize them of their fare? As I hate deception, 
even where the imagination only is concerned, I will. 
It is needless to premise that my table is large enough 
to hold the ladies. Of this they had ocular proof yes- 
terday. To say how it is usually covered, is rather 
more essential ; and this shall be the purport of my 
letter. 

" Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had 
a ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the 
head of the table ; a piece of roast beef adorns the foot ; 
and a dish of beans, or greens^ almost imperceptible, 



^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2S0 

decorates the center. When the cook has a mind to 
cut a figure, which I presume will be the case to- 
morrow, we have two beefsteak pies, or dishes of crabs, 
in addition, one on each side of the center dish, divid- 
ing the space and reducing the distance between dish 
and dish to about six feet, which without them would 
be nearly twelve feet apart. Of late he has had the 
surprising sagacity to discover that apples will make 
pies ; and it is a question, if, in the violence of hi;^ 
efforts we do not get one of apples, instead of having 
both of beefsteaks. If the ladies can put up with such 
entertainment, and will submit to partake of it on 
plates, once tin but now iron (not become so by the 
labor of scouring), I shall be happy to see them ; and 
am, dear Doctor, yours." 

Sir Henry Clinton, disappointed in not receiving ad- 
ditions to his army from Europe, began to be weary 
of his situation, and to despair of effecting anything 
that would either redound to the glory of the British 
arms, or answer the expectations of his employers. 
On the 21st of August he said, in a letter to Lord 
George Germain, " I now find myself obliged by many 
cogent reasons to abandon every view of making an 
effort in this quarter. The precautions, which General 
"Washington has had leisure to take, make me hope- 
less of bringing him to a general action, and the season 
dissuades me strongly from losing time in the attempt." 
He informs the minister, that his thoughts are turned 
to the south, that he shall put ]^ew York in a complete 
state of defense,withdraw his troops on the posts on the 
Hudson, and sail for South Carolina with a large part 
of his army as soon as the season will permit him to 
act in that climate. 

After Count d'Estaing left the harbor of Boston, he 
proceeded to the West Indies, where he operated during 
^9 



290 LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON. [1779. 

the winter, took St. Vincent and Grenada, and had a 
naval engagement with Admiral Byron's fleet. It was 
expected that he would return to the United States in 
the course of the summer, and M. Gerard, the French 
minister in Philadelphia, held several conferences with 
a committee of Congress respecting a concerted plan 
of action between the French squadron and the Amer- 
ican forces. For the same object M. Gerard vfent to 
camp, and held interviews v»^ith the Commander-in- 
chief, to whom Congress delegated the power of ar- 
ranging and executing the whole business in such a 
manner as his judgment and prudence should dictate. 
Various plans Avere suggested and partly matured ; 
but, as the unfortunate repulse of the French and 
American troops in their assault on Savannah, and the 
subsequent departure of Count d'Estaing from the 
coast, prevented their being carried into execution, 
they need not be explained in this place. 

The intercourse with AVashington on this occasion 
left favorable impressions on the mind of the French 
minister. In a letter to Count de Vergennes, written 
from camp, he said : " I have had many conversations 
with General Washington, some of which have contin- 
ued for three hours. It is impossible for me briefly to 
communicate the fund of intelligence, which I have 
derived from him ; but I shall do it in my letters as 
occasions shall present themselves. I will now say 
only, that I have formed as high an opinion of the 
powers of his mind, his moderation, his patriotism, 
and his virtues, as I had before from common report 
conceived of his military talents, and of the incalcu- 
lable services he has rendered to his country." The 
same sentiments were often repeated by the successor 
of M. Gerard, and contributed to establish the un- 
bounded confidence, which the French government 
placed in the American commander dviring the war. 



.^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 

Although the plans of co-operation failed, yet the}^ 
were serviceable in embarrassing the schemes of the 
enemy. As soon as it was known that Count d'Estaine: 
had arrived in Georgia, Sir Henry Clinton naturall}^ 
supposed that he would proceed northward, and unite 
with Washington in a combined attack on New York. 
Alarmed for his safety in such an event, he caused 
Rhode Island to be evcicuated, and drew to Kew York 
the garrison, which had been stationed nearly three 
years at that place, consisting at times of about six 
thousand men. Stony Point and Yerplanck's Point 
were likewise evacuated. The appearance of Count 
d'Estaing's fleet on the coast retarded Sir Henry 
Clinton's southern expedition till near the end of De- 
cember, when, having received reinforcements from 
Europe, he embarked about seven thousand troops, and 
sailed for South Carolina, under the convo3^of Admiral 
Arbuthnot. 

The campaign being now at an end, the army was 
again put into winter quarters, the main body in the 
neighborhood of Morristown, strong detachments at 
"West Point and other posts near the Hudson, and the 
cavalry in Connecticut. The headquarters were at 
Morristown. The ill success of the allied arms at 
Savannah, and the indications of Sir Henry Clinton's 
designs against South Carolina, were reasons for send- 
ing more troops to General Lincoln's army ; and, be- 
fore the middle of December, two of the North Caro- 
lina regiments and the Avhole of the Yirginia line 
marched to the south. 

A descent upon Staten Island by a party under Lord 
Stirling, a retaliatory incursion of the enemy into ISTew 
Jersey at Elizabethtown, and a skirmish near White 
Plains, were the only military events during the 
winter. 

The army for the campaign in 1780 was nominally 



292 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 



[1779. 



fixed by Congress at thirty-five thousand two hundred 
and eleven men. Each State was required to furnish 
its quota by the 1st day of April. No definite plan 
was adopted for the campaign, as the operations must 
depend on circumstances and the strength and condi- 
tion of the enemy. 




iTI^ 



WASHINGTON'S CAMP CHEST. 



One of the greatest evils, which now afflicted the 
country, and which threatened the most alarming con- 
sequences, was the depreciation of the currency. 
Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without the 
power of imposing direct taxes, Congress had, early in 
the war, resorted to the expedient of paper money. 

1 Washington's camp chest, an old fashioned hair trunk, twenty-one inches 
in length, fifteen in width, and ten in depth, filled with the table furniture 
used by the chief during the war. The compartments are so ingeniously ar- 
ranged, that they contain a gridiron ; a coffee and tea pot ; three tin sauce- 
pans (one movable handle being used for all) ; five glass flasks, used for honej', 
salt, coffee, port wine, and vinegar ; three large tin meat dishes ; sixteen 
plates ; two knives and five forks ; a candlestick and tinder-box ; tin boxes 
for tea and sugar, and five small bottles for pepper and other materials for 
making soup. Such composed the appointments for the table of the Com- 
mander-in-chief of the American armies, while battling for independence, and 
laying the corner-stone of our republic. 



^T. 47. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 

For a time, while the quantity was comparatively 
small, its credit was good ; but in March, 1780, the 
enormous amount of two hundred millions of dollars 
had been issued, no part of which had been redeemed. 
At this time forty paper dollars were worth only one 
in specie. Prices rose as the money sank in value, and 
every branch of trade was unsettled and deranged. 
The effect was peculiarly oppressive on the troops, and 
was a principal reason for the exorbitant bounties 
allowed to them in the latter years of the war. The 
separate States likewise issued paper money, which in- 
creased the evil, without affording any adequate relief. 
The only remedy was taxation; but this was seldom 
pursued with vigor, owing, in part, to the distracted 
state of the times and the exhausted condition of the 
country, and in part also to State jealousy. As each 
State felt its burdens to be heavy, it was cautious how 
it added to them in a greater proportion than its 
neighbors ; and thus all were reluctant to act, till 
impelled by the pressure of necessity. 

So low had the credit of the currency fallen, that 
the commissaries found it extremely difficult, and in 
some cases impossible, to purchase supplies for the 
army. Congress adopted a new method, by requiring 
each State to furnish a certain quantity of beef, pork, 
flour, corn, forage, and other articles, which were to 
be deposited in such places as the Commander-in-chief 
should determine. The States were to be credited for 
the amount at a fixed valuation in specie. The system 
turned out to be impracticable. The multitude of 
hands into which the business was thrown, the want 
of proper authority to compel its prompt execution, 
the distance of several of the States from the army, 
and the consequent difficulties of transportation, all 
conspired to make it the most expensive, the most un- 
certain, and the least effectual method that could be 



294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

devised. It added greatly to the embarrassments of 
the military affairs, and to the labor and perplexities 
of the Commander-in-chief, till it was abandoned. 

To keep up the credit of the currency. Congress 
recommended to the States to pass laws making paper 
money a legal tender at its nominal value for the dis- 
charge of debts, which had been contracted to be paid 
in gold or silver. Such laws were enacted, and many 
debtors took advantage of them. When the army was 
at Morristown, a man of respectable standing lived in 
the neighborhood, who was assiduous in his civilities 
to Washington, which were kindly received and recip- 
rocated. Unluckily this man paid his debts in the 
depreciated currency. Some time afterwards he called 
at headquarters, and was introduced as usual to the 
GeneraUs apartment, where he was then conversing 
with some of his officers. He bestowed very little at- 
tention upon the visitor. The same thing occurred a 
second time, when he was more reserved than before. 
This was so different from his customary manner, that 
Lafayette, who was present on both occasions, could 
not help remarking it, and he said, after the man was 
gone ; " General, this man seems to be much devoted 
to you, and yet you have scarcely noticed him." 
Washington replied, smiling; " I know I have not been 
cordial ; I tried hard to be civil, and attempted to speak 
to him two or three times, but that Continental money 
stopped my mouth." He considered these laws unjust 
in principle, and iniquitous in their effects. He was 
himself a loser to a considerable amount by their oper- 
ation. 

At the beginning of April, when the States were to 
have completed their quotas of troops, the whole number 
under Washington's immediate command was no more 
than ten thousand four hundred rank and file. This 
number was soon diminished by sending the remain- 



JLt. 48]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295 

der of the Maryland line and the Delaware regiment 
to the southern array. The British force at New York 
amounted to seventeen thousand three hundred effect- 
ive men. From that time the army of the north con- 
sisted of such troops only, as were raised in the New 
England States, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
vania. To hasten and give effect to the arrangements 
for the campaign, and draw more expeditiously from 
the States their quotas of soldiers and supplies, Gen- 
eral Washington requested a committee of Congress to 
attend the army, with power to act in the name of that 
body for definite objects. The committee remained in 
camp between two and three months. General Schuy- 
ler, then a member of Congress, was one of the com- 
mittee, and his experience, sound judgment, and 
energetic character, enabled him to render essential 
services in that capacity. 



296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 



CHAPTEE XXYI. 

Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a French 
Armament was on its Way to the United States.~The Army Takes a Position 
near Hudson's River.— The French Squadron arrives at Newport. — Count 
de Rochambeau's Instructions.— French Fleet blockaded.— Interview be- 
tween General Washington and the French Commander at Hartford.— 
The Treason of Arnold.— Plans for Attacking New York. 

Befoee the end of April, the Marquis de Lafayette 
arrived at Boston from France, with the cheering intel- 
ligence that the French government had fitted out an 
armament of naval and land forces, which might soon 
be expected in the United States. He proceeded im- 
mediately to Washington's headquarters, and thence 
to Congress. Although many of the Americans had 
hoped that their arms would be strengthened by the 
troops of their allies, yet no indications had hitherto 
been given, w^hich encouraged them to believe that any 
aid of this sort would be rendered. The experiment 
was also thought by some to be hazardous. The preju- 
dice against French soldiers, which had been implanted 
and nurtured by the colonial wars, it was feared might 
lead to serious consequences, if Irench troops should 
be landed in the United States, and brought to act in 
concert with the American army. So strongly was 
Count de Yergennes influenced by this apprehension, 
that he opposed the sending of troops to America, and 
advised that the efforts of France in succoring her ally 
should be expended in naval equipments, which he be- 
lieved would be more effectual in annoying and weak- 
ening the common enemy. In this opinion, however, 
the other members of the cabinet did not concur, and 
it was resolved to send out a fleet with a body of 



uEt. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 297 

troops to operate on land. Lafayette was principall/ 
instrumental in effecting this decision. It was a point 
upon which he had set his heart before he left Amer- 
ica, and it may be presumed that he previously ascer- 
tained the sentiments of Washington. At any rate, 
his observation while in the country had convinced 
him, that French troops would be well received ; and 
he had the address to bring the majority of the minis- 
try to the same way of thinking. 

In the month of June, General Knyphausen crossed 
over Avith such a force as he could spare from JSTew 
York, and made an incursion into New Jersey. He 
w^as met by detachments from the American army, 
and some smart skirmishing ensued, particularly at 
Springfield, where the encounter lasted several hours. 
The enemy were driven back, and they retired to 
Staten Island. 

The object of this adventure could not easily be 
ascertained. General Washington at first supposed it 
to be a feint to amuse him in that quarter, while a 
more formidable force should be suddenly pushed up 
the Hudson to attack the posts in the Highlands. This 
opinion was countenanced by the aiTival, just at that 
time, of Sir Henry Clinton from his successful expedi- 
tion against Charleston. JSTo such attempt being made, 
how^ever, the only effect was to draw General Wash- 
ington's army nearer the Hudson, wdiere he took a 
position in vv^iich he could act in defense of E^ew 
Jersey or the Highlands, as occasion might require. 

Kews at length came, that the French fleet had 
entered the harbor of ]N^ewport, in Ehode Island, on 
the 10th of July. The armament consisted of seven or 
eight ships of the line, two frigates, tw^o bombs, and 
upwards of five thousand troops. The fleet w^as com- 
manded by the Chevalier de Ternay, and the army by 
the Count de Eochambeau. This was called the first 



298 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

division. Another, being detained for the want of 
transports, was left at Brest almost ready to sail, which 
it was said would soon follow. 

The instructions from the ministry to Count de 
Rochambeau, were extremely judicious, and contrived 
in every part to secure harmony between the American 
and French armies. The general and the troops were 
to be in all cases under the command of General Wash- 
ino-ton. V/hen the two armies were united, the French 
troops were to be considered as auxiliaries, and to 
yield precedence by taking the left. American officers 
were to command French officers of equal rank, and 
hoUling commissions of the same dates ; and, in all 
military acts and capitulations, the American generals 
were to be named first and to sio-n first. These instruc- 
tions, expressed in clear and positive terms, were made 
known to General Washington by Lai'a3^ette before 
the troops landed. A copy in detail was likewise sent 
to him by Count de Eochambeau. They produced alV 
the happy effects, which could been anticipated. Per- 
fect harmony subsisted not only between the armies, 
but between the people and the French troops, from 
their first arrival in the country till their final depar- 
ture. The Continental officers, by the recommendation 
of General Washington, wore cockades of black and 
white intermixed, as a compliment to the French 
troops, and a symbol of friendship ; the former color 
being that of the American cockade, and the latter 
that of the French. 

A plan of combined operations against the enemy in 
New York was drawn up by General Washington, and 
forwarded to Count de Rochambeau by the hands of 
Lafaj^ette, who went to Newport for the purpose of 
making explanations, and concerting arrangements 
with the French general and admiral. This plan had 
for its basis the naval superiority of the French over 



Mt. 4S.] life of WASHINGTON. 299 

the English, by which the fleet of the latter might be 
attacked to advantage, or at least blocked up in the 
harbor of Kew York. At the present time, however, 
this was not the case. The arrival of Admiral Graves, 
with six ships of the line, had increased the British 
naval force considerably beyond that of the Chevalier 
de Ternay ; and it was agreed that nothing could be 
done, till he should be reinforced by the second division 
from France, or b}^ the squadron of the Count de 
Guichen, which was expected from the West Indies. 

Forewarned by the British ministry of the destina- 
tion of the French armament. Sir Henry Clinton made 
seasonable preparations to meet it, and requested Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot to be ready with his fleet. After con- 
siderable delay he embarked six thousand troops at 
Frog's Neck, intending to proceed through the Sound 
and co-operate with the fleet in an attack on the French 
at Newport. In the meantime Count de Rochambeau, 
aided by General Heath, then present wath the French 
army, called in the militia of the neighboring country, 
and increased the force at Newport so much, that Sir 
Flenry Clinton, despairing of success, landed his men 
at Whitestone, on Long Island, and returned to New 
York, without effecting any part of his object. An- 
other reason for his sudden return was, that Washing- 
ton had drawn his army across the Hudson, and taken 
a position on the east side of that river, from which he 
might attack the city during the absence of so large a 
portion of the troops. It was Sir Henry Clinton's first 
hope, that, by the aid of the fleet, he should be able to 
complete his expedition against Newport, and come 
back to New York before Washington could assume 
an attitude which would menace the city ; but in this 
he was disappointed. 

Having a decided naval superiority, however. Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot blockaded the French squadron in 



300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17S0. 

the harbor of JSTewport, and Count de Eochambeau's 
army was obliged to remain there for its protection. 
This state of things continued through the season, and 
no military enterprise was undertaken. The second 
French division was blockaded at Brest, and never 
came to America ; and the Count de Guichen sailed 
from the West Indies to France without touching in 
any part of the United States. Both parties, there- 
fore, stood on the defensive, watching each other's 
motions, and depending on the operations of the 
British and French fleets. General AYashington re- 
crossed the Hudson, and encamped below Orange- 
town, or Tappan, on the borders of New Jersey, which 
station he held till winter. 

In this interval of leisure, a conference between the 
commanders of the two allied armies was suggested 
by Count de Rochambeau, and readily assented to by 
General Washington. They met at Hartford in Con- 
necticut, on the 21st of September. During the ab- 
sence of General Washington, the army was left under 
the command of General Greene. The interview was 
more interesting and serviceable in cementing a per- 
sonal friendship, and promoting amicable relations 
between the parties, than important in establishing 
an ulterior system of action. ISTothing indeed could 
be positively agreed upon, since a naval superiority 
was absolutely essential to any enterprise by land, and 
this superiority did not exist. All the plans that were 
brought into view, therefore, rested on contingencies, 
and in the end these were unfavorable to a combined 
operation. 

At this time General Arnold held the command at 
West Point and otlier fortified posts in the High- 
lands. IN'o officer in the American army had acquired 
higher renown for military talents, activity, and 
courage. He had signalized himself at the taking of 



^T. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 301 

Ticonderoga, by liis expedition through the wilder- 
ness to Quebec, in a naval engagement on Lake Cham- 
plain, in a rencontre with the enemy at Danbury, and 
above all in the decisive action at Saratoga. When 
the British evacuated Philadelphia, he was appointed 
to the command in that city, being disabled by his 
wounds for immediate active service. Arrogant, fond 
of display, and extravagant in his style of living, he 
was soon involved in difficulties, which led to his ruin. 
His debts accumulated, and, to relieve himself from 
embarrassment and indulge his passion for parade, 
he resorted to practises discreditable to him as an 
officer and a man. Heavy charges were exhibited 
against him by the President and Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, which were referred to a court-martial. After 
a thorough investigation, the court sentenced him to 
receive a public reprimand from the Commander-in- 
chief. He had previously presented to Congress large 
claims against the United States on account of money, 
which he said he had expended for the public service 
in Canada. These claims were examined, and in part 
disallowed. In the opinion of many, they were such 
as to authorize a suspicion of his integrity, if not to 
afford evidence of deliberate fraud. 

These censures, added to the desperate state of his 
private affairs, were more than the pride of Arnold 
could bear. At once to take revenge, and to retrieve his 
fortunes, he resolved to become a traitor to his country, 
and seek employment in the ranks of the enemy. This 
purpose was so far fixed in his mind fifteen months 
before its consummation, that he then began, and con- 
tinued afterwards, a secret correspondence with Major 
Andre, adjutant-general of the British army. The 
more easily to effect his designs, he sought and ob- 
tained the command at West Point, where he arrived 
the first week in August. From that time it was his 



302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

aim, by a plan concerted with the British general, to 
deliver West Point and the other posts of the High- 
lands into the hands of the enemy. 

The absence of Washington from the army, on his 
visit to Hartford, v^^as thought to afford a fit occasion 
for bringing the affair to a crisis. The Yultiire sloop 
of war ascended the Hudson, and anchored in Haver- 
straw Bay, six or seven miles below King's Ferry. It 
was contrived that a meeting should take place be- 
tween Arnold and Andre, for the purpose of making 
arrangements. Andre went ashore from the Vulture 
in the night on the west side of the river, where 
Arnold was waiting to receive him. They remained 
together in that place till the dawn of day, when, their 
business not being finished, Arnold persuaded him to 
go to the house of Joshua H. Smith, at some distance 
from the river, where he was concealed during the 
day. Arnold left him in the morning and went to 
West Point. It was Andre's expectation and wish to 
return to the Yulture ; but, this not being practicable, 
he left Smith's house in the dusk of the evening on 
horseback, and crossed the river at King's Ferry with 
a written pass signed by Arnold, in which the bearer 
was called John Anderson. Before leaving Smith's 
house, he exchanged his regimentals for a citizen's 
dress, over which he wore a dark, loose great-coat. 

The next day while riding alone towards ]^ew York, 
he was suddenly stopped in the road by three armed 
militiamen, Paulding, Williams, and Yan Wart, about 
half a mile north of Tarrytown. They searched him, 
and found papers secreted in his boots. From this dis- 
covery they inferred that he was a spy ; and, taking 
him back to the nearest American outpost at Korth 
Castle, they delivered him over to Lieutenant-Colonel 
Jameson, who was stationed there with a party of 
dragoons. Jameson examined the papers, and knew 



JET. 48.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 

them to be in the handwriting of Arnold. They were 
of a very extraordinary character, containing an exact 
account of the state of things at West Point, and of 
the strength of the garrison, with remarks on the dif- 
ferent works, and a report of a council of war recently 
held at the headquarters of the army. Jameson was 
amazed and bewildered. He sent a messenger to 
Arnold with a letter, stating that a prisoner, who 
called himself John Anderson, had been brought to 
him and was then in custody, and that papers had been 
found upon his person, which seemed to him of a dan- 
gerous tendency. At the same time he despatched an 
express to General Washington, then supposed to be 
on the road returning from Hartford. This express 
was the bearer of the papers, which had been taken 
from Andre's boots. 

The next morning Andre was sent, under the charge 
of Major Tallmadge, to Colonel Sheldon's quarters at 
IN'ew Salem for greater security. Being now con- 
vinced that there was no hope of escape, he wrote a 
letter to General Washington revealing his name and 
true character. Till this time no one about him knew 
who he was, or that he held a military rank. He sub- 
mitted the letter to Major Tallmadge and other officers, 
who read it with astonishment. 

Having finished his interview with the French com- 
manders, Washington returned from Hartford by the 
upper route through Fishkill. Consequently the ex- 
press, who was sent with the papers, and who took the 
lower route, by which Washington had gone to Hart- 
ford, did not meet him, but came back to North Castle. 
In the mean time Washington pursued his journey by 
the way of Fishkill to West Point. Two or three 
hours before he reached Arnold's house, which was on 
the side of the river opposite to West Point and at a 
considerable distance below, the messenger arrived 



304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

there with the letter from Jameson, by which Arnold 
was informed of the capture of Andre. He read it 
with some degree of agitation, and, pretending that he 
was suddenly called to West Point, mounted a horse 
standing at the door, rode to the river, entered his 
barge, and ordered the men to row down the stream. 
When the barge approached King's Ferry, he held up 
a white handkerchief, and the officer who commanded 
at Verplanck's Point, supposing it to be a flag-boat, 
allowed it to pass without inspection. Arnold pro- 
ceeded directly to the Yulture, which was still at an- 
chor in the river near the place where Andre had left it. 

Washington arrived at Arnold's house, and went 
over to West Point, without hearing anything of 
Arnold. On his return, however, in the afternoon he 
received the above-mentioned letter from Andr6, and 
the papers found in his boots, which had been for- 
warded from ISTorth Castle. The plot w^as now un- 
raveled. The first thing to be done was to secure the 
posts. Orders were immediately despatched to all the 
principal officers, and every precaution was taken. 

Andre was first removed to West Point, and thence 
to the headquarters of the army at Tappan. A board 
of officers was summoned, and directed to inquire into 
the case of Major Andre, report the facts, and give 
their opinion, both in regard to the nature of his of- 
fense, and to the punishment that ought to be awarded. 
Yarious papers were laid before the board, and Andre 
himself was questioned, and desired to make such 
statements and explanations as he chose. After a full 
investigation the board reported, that the prisoner 
came on shore in the night, to hold a private and secret 
interview with General Arnold ; that he changed his 
dress within the American lines, and passed the guards 
in a disguised habit and under a feigned name ; that he 
was taken in the same disguised habit, having in his 



^T. 48.] 



LIFE OF WASHINGTOX. 



305 



possession several papers, which contained intelligence 
for the enemy ; and that he ought to be considered as 
a spy, and, according to the law and usage of nations, 
to suffer death. General Washington approved this 
decision ; and Major Andre was executed at Tappan 
on the 2d of October. 










3^ 





PLACE OF EXECUTION. 



"While Andre's case was pending, Sir Henry Clinton 
used every effort in his power to rescue him from his 
fate. He wrote to General Washington, and en- 
deavored to show, that he could not be regarded as a 
spy, inasmuch as he came on shore at the request of an 
American general, and afterwards acted by his direc- 
tion. Connected with all the circumstances, this argu- 
ment could have no weight. That he was drawn into 
a snare by a traitor did not make him the less a spy. 
As the guilt of Arnold was the cause of all the evils 



20 



306 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 



that followed, an exchange of him for Andre would 
have been accepted ; but no such proposal was inti- 
mated by the British general ; and perhaps it could not 
be done consistently with honor and the course already 
pursued. From the moment of his capture till that of 
his execution, the conduct of Andre was marked with 
a candor, self-possession, and dignity, which betokened 
a brave and noble spirit. There was no stronger trait 
in the character of Washington than humanity ; the 
misfortunes and sufferings of others touched him 
keenly ; and his feelings were deeply moved at the 
part he was compelled to act in consenting to the death 
of Andre ; yet justice to the office he held, and to the 
cause for which his countrymen were shedding then^ 
blood, left him no alternative.* 

While these operations were going on at the north, 
all the intelligence from the south gave evidence, that 
affairs in that quarter were assuming a gloomy as- 
pect. The British forces, with Lord Cornwallis at then^ 
head were overrunning the Carolinas, and preparations 
were' making in New York to detach a squadron with 
troops to fall upon Yirginia. The defeat of General 
Gates near Camden, in South Carolina, was a heavy 
blow upon the Americans, and left them m a state 
from which it was feared they would not soon re- 
cover. Congress requested General Washington to ap- 
point* an officer to succeed Gates in the command of the 
southern army. With his usual determination and 
judgment he selected General Greene, who repaired to 
the theater of action, in which he was so eminently 
distinguished during the subsequent years of the war. 
Gaining an increased confidence in the Commander- 
in-chief, which a long experience of his wisdom 
and disinterestedness authorized, Congress at length 

* A full and detailed account of the particulars relating to this subject Is 
continued in Sparks' s it/e and Treason of Arnold. 



iET. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307 

adopted the important measures, in regard to the army, 
which he had earnestly and repeatedly advised and en- 
forced. They decreed that all the troops, thencefor- 
ward to be raised, should be enlisted to serve during the 
war ; and that all the officers, who continued in the 
service to the end of the war, should be entitled to 
half-pay for life. Washington ever believed, that, if 
this system had been pursued from the beginning, it 
would have shortened the war, or at least have caused 
a great diminution in the expense. Unfortunately the 
States did not comply with the former part of the re- 
quisition, but adhered to the old method of filling up 
their quotas with men raised for three years and for 
shorter terms. The extreme difficulty of procuring 
recruits was the reason assigned for persevering in this 
practice. 

Lafayette commanded six battalions of light infantry, 
stationed in advance of the main army. He projected 
a descent upon Staten Island, but was prevented from 
executing it by the want of boats. A plan was like- 
wise formed for a general attack on the north part of 
New York Island. The enemy's posts were recon- 
noitered, extensive preparations were made, and a large 
foraging party was sent into Westchester County to 
mask the design, and draw the attention of the enemy 
that way. But the sudden appearance of several 
armed vessels in the river caused the enterprise to be 
deferred and finally abandoned. The foraging expedi- 
tion, conducted by General Stark, was successful. 

The army went into winter quarters at the end of 
November ; the Pennsylvania line near Morristown, 
the New Jersey regiments at Pompton, and the east- 
ern troops in the Highlands. The head quarters of the 
Commander-in-chief were at New Windsor. The 
French army remained at Newport, except the Duke 
do Laiizun's legion^ which was cantoned at Lebanon in 
Connecticut, 



308 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 



CHAPTER XXYIL 

Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops —Agency of Washington 
in procuring Supplies from France. — Opei-ations of the Eueniy in the Chesa- 
peake.— Detachment to Virginia under Lafayette.— General Washington 
visits Count de Rochambeau at Newport.— Condition of the Army.— Inter- 
view between the American and French Commanders at Weathersfield.— 
Plan of Operations.— A Combined Attack on New York proposed. 

The year 1781 opened with an event, Avhich filled the 
country with alarm, and threatened dangerous con- 
sequences. On the 1st of January a mutiny broke out 
among the Pennsylvania troops, stationed near Morris- 
town, and about thirteen hundred men paraded under 
arms, refused obedience to their officers, killed one 
captain, mortally wounded another, and committed 
various outrages. The mutineers marched in a body 
towards Princeton with six fieldpieces, avowing their 
intention to proceed to Philadelphia, and demand from 
Congress a redress of their grievances. They com- 
plained that their pay was in arrears, that tbey were 
obliged to receive it in a depreciated currency, that 
many of the soldiers were detained beyon<l the term of 
their enlistment, and that they had suffered every hard- 
ship for the want of money, provisions, and clothing. 
By the prudence and good management of General 
Wayne, who took care to supply them with provisions 
on their march, they were kept from plundering the in- 
habitants and other excesses. lie sent the intelligence 
of the revolt by an express to General Washington, 
who, considering the number of the mutineers, and the 
apparent justice of their complaints, recommended to 
him not to use force, which might inflame their pas- 
55ions, increase opposition, keep aliv« resentmentj ^nd 



Mr. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 309 

tempt them to turn about and go to the enemy, who 
would not fail to hold out alluring offers. He advised 
General Wayne to draw from them a statement of their 
grievances, and promise to represent the case faithfully 
to Congress and the State of Pennsylvania, and en- 
deavor to obtain redress 

These judicious counsels had the effect desired. A 
committee of Congress, joined by the President of Penn- 
sylvania, met the revolters at Trenton, and made pro- 
posals to them which were accepted, and they gave up 
their arms. An ambiguity in the written terms of en- 
listment was one of the principal causes of dissatisfac- 
tion. The agreement on the part of the soldiers was, 
to serve for three years or during the war. By the 
interpretation, which the officers gave to these expres- 
sions, they bound the soldiers to serve to the end of the 
war ; whereas the soldiers insisted that they engaged 
for three years only, or during the war if it should come 
to an end before the three years had elapsed. Ac- 
cordingly they demanded a discharge at the expiration 
of that period. This construction being allowed, it was 
the means of disbanding a large part of the Pennsyl- 
vania line for the winter, but it was recruited again in 
the spring to its original complement. The revolters 
were indignant at the suspicion of their going to the 
enemy, and scorned the idea, as they expressed it, of 
turning Arnolds. Two emissaries sent among them 
with overtures from Sir Henry Clinton were given up, 
tried by a court-martial, and executed. 

IN'ot knowing how far this example might infect the 
troops generally, the sufferings of all of whom w^ere 
not less than those of the Pennsylvania line. General 
"Washington took speedy measures to prevent the rep- 
etition of such a scene as had just occurred. He 
ordered a thousand trusty men to be selected from the 
regimentsju the Highlands, and held in readiness to 



310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

march, with four days' provisions, at the shortest notice. 
The wisdom of this precaution w^as soon put to the 
proof; for news came, that the New Jersey troops, 
stationed at Porapton and Chatham, were in a state of 
mutiny, having risen in arms against their oflacers, and 
threatened to march to Trenton, w^here the legislature 
of the State was then in session, and demand redress at 
the point of the bayonet. The case required prompt- 
ness and energy, Six hundred men were put under the 
command of General Howe, with orders to march and 
crush the revolt by force, unless the men should yield 
unconditional submission and return to their duty. 
These orders were faithfully executed. Taken by sur- 
prise, the mutineers were compelled to parade without 
their arms, make concessions to their officers, and prom- 
ise obedience. To impress them with the enormity 
of their guilt, and deter them and others from future 
acts of the kind, two of the ringleaders were tried by a 
field court-martial and shot. By this summary pro- 
ceeding the spirit of mutiny in the army was subdued. 
In the midst of these distracting events Washington 
was employed, at the request of Congress, in affording 
important counsels to Colonel John Laurens, who had 
been appointed on a mission to France, for the purpose 
of obtaining a loan and military supplies. Such was 
the deranged state of the currency, so low had the re- 
sources of the country been drained, and so feeble was 
the povv^er of drawing them out, that, in the opinion of 
all, the military efforts of the United States could not 
be exerted with a vigor suited to the exigency of the 
occasion, nor even with anything more than a lan- 
guishing inactivity, unless sustained by succors from 
their allies both in money and supplies for the army. 
The sentiments of Washington, communicating the 
fruits of his knowledge, experience, and judgment, with 
the weight of his name, were thought essential to pro- 



^T. 49.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. SH 

duce a just impression on the French cabinet. He 
wrote a letter to Colonel Laurens, remarkable for its 
appropriateness and ability, containing a clear and 
forcible representation of facts, with arguments in sup- 
port of the application of Congress, which was first 
presented by that commissioner to Dr. Franklin, and 
afterwards laid before the ministry and the King. The 
influence of this letter, in procuring the aids solicited 
from the French government, may be inferred from the 
circumstance of a recent loan being accompanied with 
the suggestion, that the money to be appropriated for 
the army should be left at the disposal of General 
Washington. 

The British general seems not to have meditated 
any offensive operations in the northern States for the 
coming campaign. His attention was chiefly directed 
to the south, where such detachments as could be 
spared from his army at Kew York were to co-operate 
with Lord Cornwallis. Sixteen hundred men, with 
a proportionate number of armed vessels, were sent 
into the Chesapeake under the command of Arnold, 
who was eager to prove his zeal for the cause of his 
new friends by the mischief he could do to those, whom 
he had deserted and sought to betray. Before his 
arrival in the Chesapeake, General Leslie had left Vir- 
ginia and sailed for Charleston ; so that Arnold re- 
ceived the undivided honor of his exploits, and, what 
he valued more highly, a liberal share of the booty 
that fell into his hands. He burnt Richmond, seized 
private property, and committed depredations in sun- 
dry places. 

About the middle of January the British fleet block- 
ading the harbor of ]N"ewport was so much shattered 
and dispersed by a violent storm, that the scale of 
superiority turned in favor of the French squadron. 
The Chevalier d© Ternay had recently died, and M, 



312 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

Destonches, who succeeded him in the command, re* 
connoitered the enemy's fleet after the storm, and, 
finding it well secured in Gardiner's Bay, at the east 
end of Long Island, he was not inclined to seek an 
engagement. Taking advantage of the opportunity, 
however, he detached a ship of the line and two frigates 
under M. de Tilly to the Chesapeake, with the design 
to blockade Arnold's squadron, and to act against him 
in concert with the American troops on land. As soon 
as General AVashington heard of the damage suffered 
b\^ the British ships, he wrote to Count de Eocham- 
beau, recommending that M. Destouches should pro- 
ceed immediately to Virginia with his v;hole fleet and 
a thousand troops from the French army. This advice 
was not received till after the departure of M. de Tilly 
from Newport, when it was too late to comply with 
it, as the British fleet in the meantime had gained 
strength, and made it hazardous for M. Destouches to 
leave the harbor. 

M. de Tilly's expedition was only in part successful. 
He entered the Chesapeake, but Arnold drew his 
vessels so high up the Elizabeth River, that they could 
not be reached by the French line-of-battle ship ; and 
one of the frigates ran ground, and was set afloat 
again with difficulty. As M. de Tilly could not remain 
long in the Chesapeake without the risk of being block- 
aded by a British force, he put to sea, and arrived at 
Newport after an absence of fifteen days. 

Although the British had repaired their damaged 
vessels, yet by the junction of M. de Tilly an equality 
was restored to the French; and M. Destouches, in 
conformity to the recommendation of General Wash- 
ington, resolved on an expedition to Virginia with his 
whole naval force, to which Count de Rochambeau 
added eleven hundred troops, commanded by Baron de 
Yiomenil. The French were pursued by Admiral 



Mr. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313 

Arbuthnot vrith all his blockading squadron, and 
overtaken near the capes of Virginia, where an action 
ensued, which terminated with nearly equal honor to 
both parties. The object of the expedition was thus 
defeated, unless it was a part of M. Destouches's pur- 
pose to bring on a naval engagement, which is not 
improbable. The fleet returned to E'ewport without 
attempting to enter the Chesapeake. 

The moment Washington received the intelligence, 
that M. de Tilly had sailed to the southward, he de- 
tached twelve hundred men from his army to proceed 
by land to the Chesapeake and co-operate with the 
French against Arnold. At the head of this detach- 
ment he placed the Marquis de Lafayette, being in- 
fluenced in his choice both by a political motive, and 
by his confidence in the ability and bravery of that 
officer. The appointment was complimentary to the 
allies, and it was thought that harmony would be more 
surely preserved by a commander, who was beloved 
by the American troops, and respected for his rank 
and character by his own countrymen. Lafayette 
marched from Hudson's Eiver on the 20th of February. 
On his arrival in Virginia, his seniority of rank would 
give him the command of all the Continental troops 
in that State, and of all the militia drawn into the 
service to oppose the enemy in the waters of the Chesa- 
pepJve. Hitherto Baron Steuben had conducted the 
operations against Arnold in Virginia, having been 
detained for that purpose when on his w\ay to join 
General Greene. 

To mature the plans for the campaign, and to com- 
municate with the French commanders, on points that 
could not be safely intrusted to writing, General 
Washington made a journey to Newport. He left 
headquarters on the 2d of March, and was absent 
nearly three weeks. He arrived a day or two before 



314: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

M. Destouches^s departure on the expedition abov« 
mentioned. The citizens of Newport received him 
with a public address, expressive of their attachment, 
their gratitude for his services, and the joy they felt 
at seeing him among them. In his reply, he took care 
to reciprocate and confirm the sentiments, which they 
had declared in regard to the allies. " The conduct of 
the French army and fleet," said he, " of which the 
inhabitants testify so grateful and so affectionate a 
, sense, at the same time that it evinces the wisdom of 
the commanders and the discipline of the troops, is a 
new proof of the magnanimity of the nation. It is a 
further demonstration of that generous zeal and con- 
cern for the happiness of America, which brought 
them to our assistance, a happy presage of future har- 
mony, a pleasing evidence that an intercourse between 
the two nations will more and more cement the union, 
by the solid and lasting ties of mutual affection." In 
short, the meeting between the commanders of the 
allied armies was in all respects satisfactory to both 
parties ; but the projects of the enemy were so uncer- 
tain, and future operations depended so much on con- 
tingent and unforeseen events, that nothing more could 
be agreed upon, than general arrangements for acting 
in concert at such times and places as circumstances 
should require. 

Although the design of the British general was not 
then known, it appeared afterward that he aimed to 
transfer the seat of war to the Chesapeake, and if 
possible to Penns3dvania. This scheme was urged by 
Lord Cornwallis, who was of the opinion that it ought 
to be pursued even at the expense of abandoning ISTew 
York. To aid in effecting it. Sir Henry Clinton sent 
another detachment to Yirginia, consisting of two 
thousand men, under General Phillips, who was or- 
dered to co-op0rat« with Arnold, and ultimately with 



^T. 49.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315 

Lord Cornwallis, it being presumed that Cornwallis 
would make his way through Korth Carolina, and be 
ablo to succor these troops in Virginia, and probably 
to join them with his army. 

The first object of Lafayette's expedition was to act 
in conjunction with the French fleet ; but, as no part 
of the fleet entered the Chesapeake, he was disap- 
pointed in that purpose. His troops advanced no fur- 
ther than Annapolis, although he went forward himself 
to "Williamsburg. Having ascertained that an English 
squadron had entered the Chesapeake, instead of the 
French, he immediately prepared to return with his 
detachment to the main army near the Hudson. He 
proceeded by water to the Head of Elk, where he re- 
ceived additional instructions from General Washing- 
ton, directing him to march to the south, and either 
meet the enemy in Yirginia, or continue onward to 
the southern army, as should be advised by General 
Greene. 

The enemy ascended the Chesapeake Bay and its 
principal rivers, with their small armed vessels, plun- 
dering and laying waste the property of the inhabit- 
ants. One of these vessels came up the Potomac to 
Mount Yernon ; and the manager of the estate, with 
the hope of saving the houses from being pillaged and 
burnt, yielded to the demands of the officers in a man- 
ner, which excited the regret and displeasure of Wash- 
ington. In reply to his manager, who had informed 
him of the particulars, he said : " I am very sorry to 
hear of your loss ; I am a little sorry to hear of my 
own ; but that w^hich gives me most concern is, that 
you should go on board the enemy's vessels, and fur- 
nish them with refreshments. It would have been a 
less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that, in 
consequence of your non-compliance with their request, 
thev had burned mv house and laid the plantation in 



316 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. ' 

ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my 
representative, and should have reflected on the bad 
example of communicating with the enemy, and mak- 
ing a voluntary offer of refreshments to them with a 
view to prevent a conflagration. It was not in your 
power, I acknowledge, to prevent them from sending 
a flag on shore, and you did right to meet it ; but you 
should, in the same instant that the business of it was 
unfolded, have declared explicitly, that it was improper 
for you to yield to the request ; after which, if they 
had proceeded to help themselves by force, 3^ou could 
but have submitted; and, being unprovided for defense, 
this was to be preferred to a feeble opposition, which 
only serves as a pretext to burn and destroy." The 
reader need not be reminded of the accordance of these 
sentiments with the noble disinterestedness, which 
regulated his conduct through the whole of his public 
life. 

An extract from his diary, written on the 1st of May, 
will exhibit in a striking manner the condition of the 
army at that time, and the prospects of the cam- 
paign. 

" To have a clearer understanding of the entries,which 
may follow, it would be proper to recite in detail our 
wants and our prospects ; but this alone would be a 
work of much time and great magnitude. It may 
suffice to give the sum of them, which I shall do in a 
few words. Instead of havino: mao^azines filled with 
provisions we have a scanty pittance scattered here 
and there in the different States; instead of having 
our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they 
are poorly provided and the workmen all leaving them ; 
instead of having the various articles of lield-equipage 
in readiness to be delivered, the quartermaster-general, 
as the dernier ressort, according to his account, is but 
now applying to the several States to provide these 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 317 

things for their troops respectively ; instead of having" 
a regular system of transportation established upon 
credit, or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray 
the contingent expenses of it, we have neither the one 
nor the other, and all that business, or a great part of 
it, being done by military impress, we are daily and 
hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, 
and alienating their affections ; instead of having the 
regiments completed to the new establishment, which 
ought to have been done agreeably to the requisitions 
of Congress, scarce any State in the Union has at this 
hour an eighth part of its quota in the field, and little 
prospect that I can see of ever getting more than half ; 
in a word, instead of having everything in readiness to 
take the field, we have nothing ; and, instead of having 
the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, 
we have a bewildered and gloomy defensive one, unless 
we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops, 
and money from our generous allies, and these at 
present are too contingent to build upon." 

Happily the train of affairs took a more favorable 
turn than he anticipated. In a short time he received 
the cheering intelligence, that Count de Barras had 
arrived in Boston harbor with a French frigate, that 
other vessels and a reinforcement of troops from France 
might soon be looked for, and that a fleet under the 
Count de Grasse would sail from the West Indies to 
the United States in July or August. Another meet- 
ing between tlie commanders of the allied armies was 
thus rendered necessar}^ It took place at Weathers- 
field, in Connecticut, on the 22d of May. Count de 
Barras having succeeded M. Destouches in the com- 
mand of the French squadron, was detained at New- 
port by the appearance of a British fleet off the harbor ; 
but the Marquis de Chastellux, a major-general in the 
army, accompanied Count de Eochambeau. On the 



318 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

part of the Americans were the Commander-in-chief, 
General Knox, and General Duportail. 

The two principal objects brought under considera- 
tion were : first, a southern expedition to act against 
the enemy in Virginia ; second, a combined attack on 
New Tork. The Frencli commander leaned to the 
former ; but he yielded to the stronger reasons for the 
latter, which was decidedly preferred by General 
Washington. A movement to the south must be wholly 
by land, the French fleet being inferior to that of Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot, by which it was blockaded, and of 
course not in a condition to go to sea. The difficulty 
and expense of transportation, the season of the year 
in which the troops would reach Virginia, being the 
hottest part of summer, and the waste of men 
always attending a long march, were formidable ob- 
jections to the first plan. It was believed, also, that 
the enemy's force in New York had been so much 
weakened by detachments, that Sir Henry Clinton 
would be compelled either to sacrifice that place and its 
dependencies, or recall part of his troops from the 
south to defend them. 

It was therefore agreed, that Count de Eochambeau 
should march as soon as possible from Newport, and 
form a junction with, the American army near Hudson's 
Eiver. Before leaving Weathersfield, a circular letter 
was written by General Washington to the governors 
of the Eastern States, acquainting them with the result 
of the conference, and urging them to fill up their 
quotas of Continental troops with all possible despatch, 
and to hold a certain number of militia in readiness to 
march at a week's notice. If men could not be obtained 
for three years, or during the war, he recommended 
that they should be enlisted for the campaign only, 
deeming the exigency to be of the greatest importance, 
both in a military point of view and in its political 



Mt. 49.] "FE OF WASHINGTON. 319 

bearings ; for the zeal of the Americans, and their wiU- 
Snesf ^ make sacrifices for the common cause, 
Sd be estimated by the manner m which they 
should now second the efforts of their alhes, and con- 
tribute to give effect to their proffered services. A 
bodv of militia was likewise to be called to Newport, 
for the defense of the French fleet in the harbor after 
the departure of the troops. The two commanders 
. returned to their respective armies, and prepared to put 
^K«ir plaa in execution. 



320 i-i^^ ^^^ WASHINGTON. [178t 



CHAPTEE XXYIII. 

Junction between the American and Freiich Armies.— intelligence from Count 
de Grasse in the West Indies changes the Objects of the Campaign.— Suc- 
cessful Operations of Lafayette against Cornwallis.— The combined Armies 
cross the Hudson and march to Virginia.— The Fleet of Count de Grasse en- 
ters the Chesapeake.— Siege of Yorktown.— Capitulation.— The American 
Army returns to Hudson's River ; the French remain in Virginia. 

The attention of the Commander-in-chief was but 
partially taken up with the affairs under his own 
eye. He held a constant correspondence with General 
Greene and Lafayette, who kept him informed of the 
operations at the south, and asked his advice and di- 
rection on points of difficulty and importance. The 
western posts beyond the Alleghanies were also under 
his command, and required much of his care. Incur- 
sions of the enemy from Canada kept the northern 
frontier in a state of alarm, and a considerable portion 
of the New York troops was called away for the pro- 
tection of that quarter. 

The wants of the army, especially in the article of 
bread, were at this time relieved by the generous and 
spirited exertions of Kobert Morris, recently appointed 
Superintendent of Finance by Congress. He procured 
from contractors two thousand barrels of flour, promis- 
ing hard money, and pledging his own credit for its 
payment. The act was voluntary, and the relief season- 
able. It was one of the many valuable services, which 
that distinguished patriot rendered to his country. 

General Washington drew the several parts of his 
army out of their quarters, and took his first position 
near Peekskill, but soon advanced towards !N'ew York, 
^nd encamped on the 4th of Jujy near Dobbs's Ferrjj 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 321 

and about twelve miles from Kingsbridge. On the 
6th he was joined by Count de Eochambeau with the 
French army, which had marched in four divisions 
from Providence by Avay of Hartford. The Ameri- 
cans encamped in two lines, with their right resting 
on the Hudson. The French occupied the left, in a 
single line extending to the river Brunx. 

i reparations were made for an attack on the north 
part of New York Island a short time before the junc- 
tion of the two armies. General Lincoln descended 
the Hudson with a detachment of eight hundred men 
in boats for this purpose, landed above Harlem Kiver, 
and took possession of the high ground near Kings- 
bridge. At the same time the Duke de Lauzun was 
to advance from East Chester with his legion, and fall 
upon Delancey's corps of refugees at Morrisania. Un- 
foreseen causes prevented the attack, and Lauzun did 
not arrive in season to effect his part of the enterprise. 
After some skirmishing the enemy's outposts were 
withdrawn to the other side of Harlem River. Gen- 
eral Washington came forward with the main army as 
far as Valentine's Hill, four miles from Kingsbridge, 
to support General Lincoln in case it should be neces- 
sary. The troops lay upon their arms during the 
night, and the next day retired to the encampment 
near Dobbs's Ferry. 

At this place the two armies continued six weeks. 
A plan of a general attack was formed, and the two 
commanders reconnoitered the enemy's vforks, first by 
passing over the Hudson and viewing them across the 
river from the elevated grounds between Dobbs's Ferry 
and Fort Lee, and next at Kingsbridge and other 
places in its vicinity. But the recruits came in so 
tardil}^ from the States, that the ai^my was never in a 
condition to authorize an undertaking of such magni- 
tude without tlie co-operation of a French fleet superior 
I? 



322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

to the British ; more especially as a reinforcement of 
about three thousand Hessian recruits arrived in Isew 
York from Europe. A despatch had early been sent 
to Count de Grasse in the West Indies, advising him 
to sail directly to Sandy Hook, and thus secure a naval 
superiority. On this contingency depended the exe- 
cution of the plan. 

YV^hile these operations were in progress, a French 
frigate arrived at Newport with a letter from Count de 
Grasse, dated at Cape Francois in St. Domingo, stat- 
ing that he should shortly sail from that place, with 
his whole fleet and three thousand two hundred land 
troops, for the Chesapeake. This letter was received 
by General Washington on the 14th of August. It 
produced an immediate change in the objects of the 
campaign. The engagements of Count de Grasse in 
the West Indies were such, that he could not promise 
to remain on the coast beyond the middle of October. 
It being doubtful whether, with alltheforce that could 
be collected, and with the fairest prospects of ultimate 
success, the siege of New York could be brought to an 
issue by that time, it was resolved at once to abandon 
that project, and proceed to Virginia with the whole 
of the French troops, and such a part of the American 
army as could be spared from the defense of the posts 
on Hudson's River and in the Highlands. In this 
decision Count de Rochambeau cordially united, and 
the march to the south began Avithout delay. 

Cornwallis had advanced from North Carolina, 
formed a junction with a British detachment in the 
Chesapeake, and overrun the lower counties of Yir- 
ginia ; but he was checked by the active exertions and 
skilful maneuvers of Lafayette, whose generalship and 
prudent conduct merited the greatest applause. This 
was peculiarly gratifying to Washington, who in case 
of failure might have been censured for intrusting to 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 323 

SO young an officer the hazardous experiment of en- 
countering one of the most experienced and accom- 
plished generals of the age. " Be assured, my dear 
Marquis," said Washington in writing to him, ''your 
conduct meets my warmest approbation, as it must that 
of everybody. Should it ever be said, that my attach- 
ment to you betrayed me into partiality, you have only 
to appeal to the facts to refute any such charge." 
Count de Yergennes bore similar testimony. In a let- 
ter to Lafayette he said : " I have followed you step by 
step through your whole campaign in Virginia, and 
should often have trembled for you, if I had not been 
confident in your wisdom. It requires no common 
ability and skill to enable a man to sustain himself as 
you have done, and during so long a time, before such 
a general as Lord Cornwallis, who is lauded for his 
talents in war ; and this, too, with such a great dis- 
proportion in your forces." The minister of war was 
also commanded by the King to express the royal ap- 
probation in the warmest terms, and to assure Lafay- 
ette of his being raised to the rank of field-marshal in 
the French army, when his services should be no longer 
required in the United States. 

It was the first object of Washington and Eocham- 
beau to act against Cornwallis in Virginia. Should 
that general retreat to North Carolina, it was then in- 
tended to pursue him with a part of the combined 
army, and to embark the remainder on board the 
French fleet, and proceed with it to Charleston, w^hich 
was at that time held by the British. The two armies 
crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, and marched by 
different routes to Trenton, and thence through Phila- 
delphia to the Head of Elk. The stores and baggage, 
with one regiment, passed down the Delaware by water 
to Christiana Creek. Sir Henry Clinton was of course 
ignorant of the expected approach of Count de Grasses 



324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

to the Chesapeake, and much finesse was used to mis- 
guide and bewilder him in regard to the design of 
these movements ; it being apprehended, that, suspect- 
ing the real object, he might send reinforcements to 
Virginia before the arrival of the French fleet. Ac- 
cordingly fictitious letters were written and put in the 
way of being intercepted, and a deceptive provision of 
ovens, forage, and boats was made in New Jerse}", by 
which the British general would be led to suppose that 
an attack was intended from that quarter. These 
stratagems were successful to the extent anticipated ; 
and the troops had made considerable progress in their 
march, before Sir Henry Clinton was fully aware of 
their destination. 

General Heath was left in the command on Hudson's 
Kiver. The moving army was put under the charge of 
General Lincoln. The soldiers, being mostly from the 
eastern and middle States, marched with reluctance to 
the southward and shoAved strong sjanptoras of discon- 
tent when they passed through Philadelphia. This had 
been foreseen by General Washington, and he urged 
the Superintendent of Finance to advance to them a 
month's pay in hard money. But there was no such 
money in the treasurj^ Mr. Morris succeeded, how- 
ever, in borrowing for this purpose twenty thousand 
hard dollars from the French commander, which he 
promised to return within thirty days. 

General Washington and Count de Eochambeau pre- 
ceded the army ; and the former, after stopping for a 
short time in Philadelphia, hastened forward to Mount 
Yernon which lay in his route. This casual visit was the 
first he had paid to his home since he left it to attend the 
second Continental Congress, a period of six years and 
five months ; so entirely had he sacrificed his time, 
personal interests, and local attachments to the service 
of his country. Xor did he now remain any longer 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3^5 

than to await the arrival of Count de Eochambeau, whom 
he had left at Baltimore. The two generals then made 
all haste to the headquarters of Lafayette's army near 
Williamsburg, which they reached on the 14th of Sep- 
tember. 

In the mean time Count de Grasse, with his whole 
fleet, consisting of twenty-six ships of the line and 
several frigates entered the Chesapeake, after a partial 
engagement with Admiral Graves off the Capes. He 
had also been joined by the Count de Barras, with 
the French squadron from Newport. Three thousand 
men from the West Indies, commanded by the Mar- 
quis de St. Simon, had already landed, and united 
with Lafayette. Transports were immediately des- 
patched up the Chesapeake, to bring down the French 
and American troops from the Head of Elk and An- 
napolis. For the purpose of concerting measures for a 
co-operation between the naval and land forces, the 
tAvo commanders held a conference with Count de 
Grasse on board the Ville de Paris tit Cape Henry. 

Lord Cornwallis, expecting aid from Sir Henry 
Clinton, and hoping the British force at sea would be 
superior to the French, had taken possession of York- 
town and Gloucester, two places separated by York 
Kiver, and nearly opposite to each other. The main 
part of his army was at Yorktown, around which he 
threw up strong works of defense, and prepared to 
sustain a siege. To this extremity he was at length 
reduced. All the troops being assembled, the Ameri- 
can and French generals marched from the encamp- 
ment near Williamsburg, and completely invested 
Yorktown on the 30th of September. The Ameri« 
cans were stationed on the right, and the French on 
the left, in a semicircular line, each wing resting on 
York Eiver. The post at Gloucester was invested by 
Lauzun's legion, marines from the fleet, and Yirginia 



326 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

militia, under the command of M. de Choisy, a briga- 
dier-general in the French service. 

The siege was carried on by the usual process of 
opening parallels, erecting batteries, firing shot, throw- 
ing shells, and storming redoubts. The enemy were 
neither idle nor inefficient in their efforts for defense 
and annoyance. The principal event was the storm- 
ing of two redoubts at the same time ; one by a party 
of the American light infantry, the other by a de- 
tachment of French grenadiers and chasseurs ; the 
former headed by Lafayette, the latter by the Baron 
de Yiomenil. They were both successful. The assail- 
ants entered the redoubts with the bayonet, in a brave 
and spirited manner, under a heavy fire from the enemy. 
The advanced corps of the American party was led by 
Colonel Hamilton, " whose well-known talents and 
gallantry," said Lafayette in his report, " were most 
conspicuous and serviceable." Colonels Laurens, 
Gimat, and Barber were also distinguished in this 
assault. 

The besiegers pushed forward their trenches, and 
kept up an incessant fire from their batteries, till the 
17th of October, when, about ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing, the enemy beat a parley, and Lord CornwaUis 
sent out a note to General "Washington proposing a 
cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, and 
the appointment of commissioners on each side to 
settle the terms for surrendering the posts of York- 
town and Gloucester. In reply General Washington 
requested, that, as a preliminary step, his Lordship 
would communicate in writing, the terms on which he 
proposed to surrender. This was complied with, and 
hostilities ceased. 

The basis of a capitulation, furnished by the British 
general, was, that the garrisons should be prisoners of 
war, with the customary honors ; that the British and 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 

German troops should be sent to Europe, under an 
engagement not to serve against France or America 
till released or exchanged ; that all arms and public 
stores should be given up ; that the officers and sol- 
diers should retain their private property ; and that 
the interest of several individuals in a civil capac- 
ity should be attended to. This last clause was ^ 
designed to protect the traders and other Americans, 
who had joined the enemy. 

Some of these points not being admissible, General 
Washington transmitted an answer the next day, in 
which he sketched the outlines of a capitualation, 
and informed Lord Cornwallis, that he was ready to 
appoint commissioners to digest the articles. All the 
troops in the garrisons were to be prisoners of war, 
and marched into such parts of the country as could 
most conveniently provide for their subsistence ; the 
artiller}^, arms, accouterments, military chest, and 
public stores, with the shipping, boats, and all their 
furniture and apparel, were to be delivered up ; the 
officers retaining their side-arms, and both the officers 
and soldiers preserving their baggage and effects, ex- 
cept such property as had been taken in the country, 
which was to be reclaimed. The surrendering army 
was to receive the same honors as had been granted 
by the British to the garrison of Charleston. Upon 
these general terms a treaty was finally adjusted, the 
commissioners being Colonel Laurens and the Vis- 
count de Noailles on the part of the Americans and 
French, and Colonel Dundas and Major Koss on that 
of the British. The articles of capitulation were 
signed on the 19th of October, and in the afternoon of 
that day the garrisons marched out and surrendered 
their arms. 

The traders within the enemy's lines were not re- 
garded as prisoners, and they were allowed a certain 



328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

time to dispose of their property or remove it ; but no 
provision was made for other persons in a civil capac- 
ity Avitliin the enemy's lines. At the request of Lord 
Cornwallis, however, the Bonetta sloop of war was 
left at his disposal for the purpose of sending an aide- 
de-camp with despatches to Sir Henry Clinton ; and in 
this vessel, which was suffered to depart without ex- 
amination, all persons of the above description took 
passage for New York ; and thus the British com- 
mander was enabled to maintain his good faith towards 
those who had joined him in the country, without in- 
cluding them in the terms of capitulation. The Bo- 
netta, with her crew, guns and stores w^as to return 
and be given up. 

The whole number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, 
was somewhat over seven thousand men ; and the 
British loss during the siege was between five and six 
hundred. The combined army employed in the siege 
consisted of about seven thousand American regular 
troops, upwards of five thousand French, and four 
thousand militia. The loss in killed and -wounded was 
about three hundred. The land forces surrendered to 
General Washington, and became prisoners to Con- 
gress ; but the seamen, ships, and naval equipments 
were assigned to the French admiral. 

The success was more complete, and more speedily 
attained, than had been anticipated. The capture of 
Cornwallis, with so large a part of the British army in 
America, occasioned great rejoicings throughout the 
country, as affording a decisive presage of the favor- 
able termination of the war. Congress passed a special 
vote of thanks to each of the commanders, and to the 
officers and troops. Two stands of colors, taken from 
the enemy at the capitulation, were given to General 
Washington, and two pieces of field-ordnance to Count 
de Kochambeau and Count de Grasse respectively, as 



^T. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 

tokens of the national gratitude for their services. 
Congress moreover resolved to commemorate so glori« 
ous an event by causing a marble column to be erected 
at Yorktown, adorned with emblems of the alliance 
between France and the United States, and an inscrip- 
tion containing a narrative of the principal incidents 
of the siege and surrender. 

General Washington, believing a most favorable 
opportunity now presented itself for following up this 
success by an expedition against Charleston, wrote a 
letter to Count de Grasse the day after the capitulation, 
requesting him to join in it with his fleet. He also 
went on board the admiral's ship, as well to pay his 
respects and ofi'er his thanks for what had already 
been done, as to explain and enforce the practicability 
and importance of this plan. By the instructions from 
his court, and by his engagements to the Spaniards, 
Count de Grasse was bound to return to the West 
Indies without delay, and thus it was not in his power 
to accede to the proposal. It was then suggested that 
he should transport a body of troops to Wilmington, 
in North Carolina, and land them there while on his 
voyage. To this he at first made no objection ; but, 
when he ascertained that there would be a difficulty in 
landing the men without running the risk of dividing 
his fleet, or perhaps of being driven off the coast with 
the troops on board, he declined the undertaking. 
Lafayette w^as to command this expedition ; and the 
purpose of it was to take a British post at Wilmington, 
and then march into the interior and unite with the 
southern army under General Greene. 

The troops commanded by the Marquis de St. Simon 
were embarked, and Count de Grasse set sail for the 
West Indies. Before his departure. General Washing- 
ton presented him with tw^o beautiful horses, as a tes- 
timony of personal consideration and esteem. 



330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

Aa nothing further could be effected by the allied 
forces during the campaign, a detachment of two thou- 
sand men, comprising the Continental troops from Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, was put under Gen- 
eral St. Clair, with orders to reinforce General Greene at 
the south. The troops belonging eastward of Pennsyl- 
vania were transported by water to the Head of Elk, 
whence they marched to their winter cantonments in 
^ew Jersey and near Hudson's River. The French 
army remained in Virginia till the following summer, 
the headquarters of Count de Rochambeau being at 
Williamsburg. 

The prisoners were marched to Winchester in Vir- 
ginia, and Frederick town in Maryland ; and a part of 
them subsequently to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. 
Lord Cornwallis and the other principal officers went 
by sea to New York on parole. 

All these affairs being arranged. General Washing- 
ton left Yorktown on the 5th of November. The 
same day he arrived at Eltham, where he was present 
at the death of Mr. Custis, the only son of Mrs. 
Washington. He stayed there a few days to mingle 
his grief with that of the afflicted widow and mother. 
The occasion w^as not less trying to his sympathies 
than to his sensibility, for he had watched over the 
childhood and youth of the deceased with a paternal 
solicitude, and afterwards associated with him as a 
companion, ^vho possessed his confidence and esteem. 
Mr. Custis Avas a member of the Virginia legislature, 
and much respected for his public and private char- 
acter. He died at the age of twenty-eight, leaving 
four infant children, the two youngest of whom, a son 
and daughter, w^ere adopted by General AVashington, 
and they resided in his family till the end of his life. 

From Eltham he proceeded by the way of Mount 
Vernon to Philadelphia, receiving and answering vari- 



Mr. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331 

ous public addresses while on his journey. The day- 
after his arrival he attended Congress, being introduced 
into the hall by two members, and greeted with a 
congratulatory address by the President. He was re- 
quested to remain for some time in Philadelphia, both 
that he might enjoy a respite from the fatigues of war, 
and that Congress might avail themselves of his aid in 
making preparations for vigorous and timely efforts to 
draw every advantage from the recent triumph of the 
allied arms. 



332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 



CHAPTEE XXIX. 

Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by General 
Wasliington and approved by Congress.— Lafayette returns to France.— 
The Affair of Captain Asgill.— Backwardness of the States in recruiting 
the Army.— Proposal to General Washington to assume Supreme Power, 
and his reply.— Sir Guy Carleton gives Notice, that Negotiations for Peace 
had begun.— The French Troops march from Virginia, join General Wash- 
ington, and afterwards embark at Boston. 

From the state of affairs at this time, both in Europe 
and America, it was evident that the war could not be 
of much longer duration. Considering, however, the 
temper hitherto manifested by the British cabinet, and 
the spirit with which a large majority of the nation 
had sustained the ministerial measures, it was generally 
supposed that another campaign would be tried. This 
was Washington's belief ; and, in his communications 
to Congress and to persons of influence in various 
parts of the country, he urged the importance of being 
fully prepared. This he regarded as the wisest policy 
in any event. If the war continued, the preparations 
would be necessary ; if it ceased, they would have a 
favorable effect on the negotiations for peace. 

He was apprehensive, that the people, from a mis- 
taken idea of the magnitude of the late success in 
Yirginia, would deceive themselves with delusive hopes, 
and grow remiss in their efforts. " To prevent so great 
an evil," said he, " shall be ray study and endeavor ; and 
I cannot but flatter myself, that the States, rather than 
relax in their exertions, will be stimulated to the most 
vigorous preparations for another active, glorious, and 
decisive campaign, which, if properly prosecuted, wiU, 
I trust, under the smiles of Heaven, lead us to the end 
of this long and tedious war, and set us down in the 



Mr. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333 

full security of the great object of our toils, the 
establishment of peace, liberty, and independence. 
Whatever may be the policy of European courts dur- 
ing this winter, their negotiations will prove too pre- 
carious a dependence for us to trust to. Our wisdom 
should dictate a serious preparation for war, and, in 
that state, we shall find ourselves in a situation secure 
against every event." 

These sentiments met the full concurrence of Con- 
gress. They resolved to keep up the same military 
establishment as the year before ; and to call on the 
States to complete their quotas of troops at an early 
day. They voted new requisitions of money and sup- 
plies. These resolves were adopted with a promptness, 
zeal, and unanimity, which had rarely been shown on 
former occasions. To aid in carrying them into effect, 
it was deemed advisable for the Commander-in-chief 
to write two circular letters to the governors of all the 
States. The first, relating to finance, was dated on 
the 22d of January, 1782, and contained arguments for 
raising mone}^ adequate to the public exigencies, par- 
ticularly the payment and clothing of the troops. The 
second, dated a week later, exhibited the numbers and 
condition of the army then in the field, and urged the 
completing of the quotas according to the requisition 
of Congress. 

Other methods were also used to provide means for 
prosecuting the war. Succors continued to be re- 
ceived from France, and, by the persevering appli- 
cation of Franklin to the French court, a loan of six 
millions of livres, payable in monthly instalments, was 
promised for the coming year. After the capitulation 
at Yorktown, there being no prospect of further active 
service till the next campaign, the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette obtained permission from Congress to return on a 
visit to his native country. Besides passing resolves 



334 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 

complimentary to his character, zeal, and military con- 
duct, Congress made him the bearer of a letter to the 
King of France, in which he was commended to the 
notice of his sovereign in very warm terms. Much 
reliance was placed on the representations he would 
make concerning the state of affairs in America, and 
on his influence to procure the desired assistance from 
the French government. The ministers from the 
United States in Europe were likewise instructed to 
confer with the Marquis de Lafayette, and avail them- 
selves of his knowledge and counsels. 

About the middle of April, General Washington 
left Philadelphia and joined the army, establishing his 
headquarters at ]S"ewburg. He had hardl}^ arrived in 
camp, when he heard of an occurrence, which produced 
much excitement at the time, and led to consequences 
of considerable notoriety, though in themselves of little 
moment. The particulars are these. Captain Iluddy, 
an American officer, who commanded a small bod}^ of 
troops in Monmouth County, New Jersey, was taken 
prisoner by a party of refugees, conveyed into Xew 
York, and put in close confinement. A few days after- 
wards he was sent out of tho city, under the charge of 
Captain Lippencot, at the head of a number of refugees, 
by whom he was hanged on the heights near Middle- 
town. This wanton act exasperated the people in the 
neighborhood, who knew and esteemed Captain Iluddy. 
Affidavits and a statement of facts were forwarded to 
General Washington. These he laid before a council 
of officers, who gave it as their unanimous opinion, 
that the case demanded retaliation, that the punish- 
ment ought to be inflicted on the leader of the party 
by which the murder was committed, and that, if he 
should not be given up, an officer equal in rank to 
Captain Huddy ought to be selected by lot from the 
British prisoners. 



Mt. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 335 

A representation of the facts was accordingly sent 
to Sir Henry Clinton, with a demand for the surrender 
of Lippencot. This demand not being complied with, 
an officer was designated for retaliation. The lot fell 
upon Captain Asgill, a young man only nineteen years 
old, who was then a prisoner at Lancaster in Pennsyl- 
vania. The affair was in suspense for several months. 
Although Lippencot was not delivered up, yet Sir 
Henr}^ Clinton, and his successor Sir Guy Carleton, 
not only disavowed the act as having been done with- 
out authority, but reprobated it with unmeasured 
severity. The subject was referred by them to a 
court-martial, and Lippencot was tried. From the de- 
velopments it appeared, that the guilt of the transac- 
tion rested mainly with the Board of Associated Loyal- 
ists in I^ew York, and that Lippencot acted in con- 
formity with what he believed to be the orders of the 
board. Hence he was acquitted, as not properly an- 
swerable for the crime of the act. 

"When these circumstances were made known, the 
w^hole matter was laid before^ Congress. Considering 
the ground taken by the British commanders in disa- 
vowing and censuring the act, added to the irrespon- 
sible nature of Lippencot's conduct, General Washing- 
ton inclined to release Captain Asgill, and was disap- 
pointed and dissatisfied at the delay of Congress in 
coming to a decision on the subject. Meanwhile the 
mother of Asgill, already borne down with family 
afflictions, which were increased by the impending fate 
of her son, wrote a pathetic letter of intercession to the 
French ministry. This was shoAvn to the King and 
Queen ; and it Avrought so much on their feelings, that 
Count de Yergennes by their direction wrote to Gen- 
eral "Washington, soliciting the liberation of Asgill. 
Although this communication arrived after it had been 
determined not to insist on retaliation, yet it had the 



336 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

effect to hasten the proceedings of Congress, and by 
their order Captain Asgiil was set at liberty. 

Little progress was made by the States in filling up 
their quotas ®f troops. When General Washington 
arrived in camp, the whole number of effective men in 
the northern army was somewhat short of ten thou- 
sand ; nor was it much increased afterwards. In fact, 
after the capitulation at Yorktown, the conviction was 
nearly universal, that the war would not be pursued 
any further in the United States. The recruiting serv- 
ice consequently languished. Eelieved from danger, 
and worn out with their long toils and sacrifices, the 
people were slow to perceive, that large preparations 
would be the means of procuring better terms of peace, 
and seemed contented with the present prospects. 
JSTews arrived in the first part of May, which indicated 
an approaching change in the British cabinet, and 
symptoms of pacific measures. Fearful of the effect 
which this intelligence might produce, Washington took 
occasion to express his own sentiments without reserve 
in a circular letter, which he was just at that time 
despatching to the governors of the States. 

" Upon the most mature deliberation I can bestow," 
he observed, " I am obliged to declare it as my candid 
opinion, that the measures of the enemy in all their 
views, so far as they respect America, are merely delu- 
sory (they having no serious intention to admit our in- 
dependence upon its true principles), and are calculated 
to quiet the minds of their own people, and reconcile 
them to the continuance of the war ; while they are 
meant to amuse the country into a false idea of peace, 
to draw us off from our connection with France, and 
to lull us into a state of security and inactivity, which, 
having taken place, the ministry will be left to prose- 
cute the war in other parts of the world with greater 
vigor and effect. Even if the nation and Parliament 



JET. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 337 

are really in earnest to obtain peace with America, it 
will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with 
great caution and circumspection, and by all means to 
keep our arms firm in our hands, and, instead of relax- 
ing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward 
with redoubled vigor, that we may take the advantage 
of every favorable opportunity, until our Avishes are 
fully obtained. I^o nation ever yet suffered in treaty 
by preparing, even in the moment of negotiation, most 
vigorously for the field." 

The discontents of the officers and soldiers, respect- 
ing the arrearages of their pay, had for some time in- 
creased ; and, there being now a prospect, that the 
army would ultimately be disbanded without an ade- 
quate provision by Congress for meeting the claims of 
the troops, these discontents manifested themselves 
in audible murmurs and complaints, which foreboded 
serious consequences. But a spirit still more to be 
dreaded w^as secretly at work. In rellecting on the 
limited powers of Congress, and on the backw^ardness 
of the States to comply with the most essential requi- 
sitions, even in support of their own interests, many 
of the officers were led to look for the cause in the 
form of government, and to distrust the stability of 
republican institutions. So far w^ere they carried by 
their fears and speculations, that they meditated the 
establishment of a new and more energetic sj^stem. 
A colonel in the army, of a highly respectable charac- 
ter, and somewhat advanced in life, was made the 
organ for communicating their sentiments to the Com- 
mander-in-chief. In a letter elaborately and skilfully 
written, after describing the gloomy state of affairs, 
the financial difficulties, and the innumerable embar- 
rassments in which the country liad been involved 
during the war, on account of its defective political 
the writer adds ; 



338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 

" This must have shown to all, and to military men 
in particular, the weakness of republics, and the ex- 
ertions the army have been able to make by being 
under a proper head. Therefore I little doubt, that, 
Avhen the benehts of a mixed government are pointed 
out, and duly considered, such will be readily adopted. 
In this case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted, that 
the same abilities, which have led us through difficulties, 
apparently insurmountable by human power, to victory 
and glory, those qualities, that hptve merited and ob- 
tained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, 
would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the 
smoother paths of peace. Some people have so con- 
nected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy, as to find 
it very difficult to separate them. It may therefore be 
requisite to give the head of such a constitution, as I 
propose, some title apparently more moderate ; but, if 
all other things were once adjusted, I believe strong 
arguments might be produced for admitting the title 
of King, which I conceive would be attended with 
some material advantages." 

To this communication, as unexpected as it was ex- 
traordinary in its contents, Washington replied as 
follows. 

" Newburg, 22 May, 1782. 
" Sir, 

" With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, 
I have read with attention the sentiments you have 
submitted to my perusal. Be assured. Sir, no occur- 
rence in the course of the war has given me more 
painful sensations, than your information of there being 
such ideas existing in the army, as you have expressed, 
and I must view with abhorrence and reprehend with 
severity. For the present, the communication of them 
will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agita- 
tion of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. 



^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 339 

" I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my 
conduct could have given encouragement to an address, 
which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs, 
that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in 
the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a 
person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. 
At the same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must 
add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see 
ample justice done to the army than I do ; and, as far 
as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way, 
extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of my 
abilities to effect it, should there be any occasion. Let 
me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for 3^our 
country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect 
for me, to banish these thoughts from 3^our mind, and 
never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, 
a sentiment of the like nature. I am, Sir, &c. 

" Geoege Washington." 

Such was the language of Washington, when, at the 
head of his army and at the height of his power and 
popularity, it was proposed to him to become a king. 
After this indignant reply and stern rebuke, it is not 
probable that any further advances were made to him 
on the subject. 

Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New York early in May, 
and superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander of the 
British armies in America. His first letter to Wash- 
ington was pacific in its tone, and shov^^ed, that at least 
a temporary change had taken place in the sentiments 
of Parliament respecting the principles on which the 
war had been conducted, and the policy of continuing 
it. l^othing of a positive nature was communicated, 
however, till the beginning of August, when Sir Guy 
Carleton again wrote^ that he was authorized to give 
notice, that negotir^tious for general peace had com- 



340 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. 

menced at Paris, and that the independence of the 
United States would be conceded as a preliminary step. 
From this time, therefore, preparations for war ceased, 
and no further acts of hostility were committed by 
either party. It not being certain, nevertheless, that 
the negotiations would actually result in peace, no part 
of the American army was dismissed, but the posture 
of defense was maintained with the same caution and 
vigilance as before. 

The French troops had continued in Virginia since 
the capitulation of Yorktown. They marched to 
Hudson's River, and formed a junction with the forces 
under Washington about the middle of September. 
The two armies had been encamped on the east side of 
the river near Yerplanck's Point more than a month, 
when the French marched to Boston, where a fleet was 
ready to receive them, and sailed before the end of 
December, having been in the country two years and a 
half. The Baron de Viomenil commanded the troops 
when they went on board the fleet at Boston. The 
Count de Rochambeau, accompanied by the Marquis de 
Chastellux, sailed some days later from Baltimore. 

General Washington had drawn the larger part of 
his army down the river to Yerplanck's Point, more as 
a mark of courtesy to the allied troops in meeting them 
there, than for any military object ; and, after their 
departure, he returned to his former encampment at 
Newburg, where headquarters continued till the army 
w^as disbanded. 



^T. 50. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. S4i 



CHAPTER XXX. 

Dissatisfaction of the Army.— The Officers send a Memorial to Congress.— 
The anonymous Addresses at Newburg. — IntelJigence arrives, that a Treaty 
of Peace had been signed at Paris.— General Washington's Sentiments con- 
cerning the civil Government of the Union.— His Circular Letter to the 
States.— He makes a Tour to the North.— Repairs to Congress at the Re- 
quest of that Body.— His Farewell Address to the Army.— The British 
evacuate New York. — Washington resigns his Commission, and retires to 
private Life at Mount Vernon. 

The winter being a season of inactivity, and the 
prospect of peace becoming every day less doubtful, 
the officers and soldiers had leisure to reflect on their 
situation, and to look forward to the condition await- 
ing them at the end of the war. When they compared 
their long services and sufferings with the sacrifices of 
those, who had been engaged only in their pursuits of 
private life, and with the rewards hitherto received, 
they felt that they had claims, as well on the gratitude 
and generosity, as on the justice, of their country. At 
the same time, various circumstances conspired to 
make them apprehensive, that these claims would 
neither be adequately met nor duly estimated. Con- 
gress had no funds ; the States were extremely back- 
ward in applying the only remedy by an effectual 
system of taxation and the resource of foreign loans 
was nearly exhausted. It was natural, that this state 
of things, added to long arrearages of pay, and ac- 
counts unsettled and without any securit}'' for a future 
liquidation of them, should cause much excitement and 
concern. 

In the month of December, the officers in camp de- 
termined to address Congress on the subject of their 
grieyances. A memorial was accordingly drawn up. 



342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

which was understood to express the sentiments of the 
army. It contained a representation of the money 
actually due to them, a proposal that the half-pay for 
life should be commuted for a specific sum, and a re- 
quest that security should be given by the government 
for fulfilling its engagements. The commutation it 
was believed would be more generally acceptable to 
the public than half-pay for life, which had always 
been opposed by a strong party, as favoring the idea 
of a pension list and a privileged class, and as hostile 
to republican institutions. Three officers were deputed 
as a committee to carry this memorial to Congress, 
and instructed to use their endeavors to obtain for it a 
successful hearing. 

The dissensions, which had long existed in Congress, 
were brought to bear on this subject. Many of the 
members were disposed to do ample justice to the 
army, and to all other public creditors, by assuming 
their claims as a Continental charge, and providing for 
the settlement of them by a Continental fund and 
securities ; while others, jealous of State rights and 
State sovereignty, disapproved this course, and urged 
the plan of referring unsettled accounts to the respec- 
tive States. Congress took the memorial into con- 
sideration, and passed resolves indefinite in their char- 
acter, and not such as were likely to answer the ex- 
pectations or quiet the uneasiness of the army. The 
claims of public creditors were recognised, but no 
scheme was suggested for establishing funds, or giving 
securit}^ On an estimate of the average ages of the 
officers, it was decided, that half-pay for life was 
equivalent to five years' whole pay ; but the requisite 
number of nine States could not be obtained in favor 
of the commutation. Apprehending a defeat, if they 
pressed the subject, and hoping that the vote would 
ultimately be carried, the committee thought it prudeut 



jEr. 51]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 343 

to delay further proceedings, and one of tt^^^J^^^'-^^J 
to camp with a letter containing a report of what had 



The representations thus communicated were by uo 
means satisfactory to the oificers. Disappointed and 
SLd,many of them were for resorting to measu^^^^^^^ 
which should convince Congress, not only of the justice 
of their demands, but of their resolution to enforce 
them Hence originated the famous mwlurg Ad- 
dZes. At a private consultation of several officers 
ft was agreed, tbat a meeting of the general and field 
officers, a commissioned officer from each company, 
:?d a 'delegate from the medical staff, ought to be 
called for the purpose of passing a series of resolu- 
Sns which should be forwarded to their committee 
at Congress. On the 10th of March a notification to 
this effect was circulated in camp, fixing the time and 
sStinc the object. The same day an anonymous 
address to the army was sent out, written m a strain 
of passionate and stirring eloquence and extremely 
well suited to excite the feelings and rouse the spm 
Tf those for whom it was intended. Foreseeing the 
Mai consequences that might result from an assem- 
blincr of the officers under such circumstances, and at 
the rame time deeply impressed with the lu^tice of then- 
complaints and the reality of their wrongs, Washing, 
ton had a delicate task to perform ; but he executed it 
with his characteristic decision, firmness and wisdom^ 
He sought rather to guide and control the proceedings 
thus be|un, than to check or discountenance them by 

'Tltr^rS's the next morning, after censuring 
the anonymous paper and invitation as irregular and 
disorderly, he appointed a day and hour for the meet- 
inl of the officers, when they might "devise what fur- 
ther measures ought to be adopted, as most rational, 



344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

and best calculated to attain the object in vie^," This 
was followed by another anonymous address, in a tone 
more subdued than the former, but expressing similar 
sentiments, and representing the orders as favorable to 
the purpose desired, the time of meeting only being 
changed. The Commander-in-chief, however, took 
care to frustrate the design of this interpretation by 
conversing individually with those officers in whom he 
had the greatest confidence, setting before them in a 
strong light the danger that would attend a rash or 
precipitate act in such a crisis, inculcating modera- 
tion, and using his utmost efforts to appease their dis- 
contents, and persuade them to deliberate without 
passion, and under a deep conviction that the vital in- 
terests of their country were involved in the measures 
they should adopt. 

When the officers were assembled at the time ap- 
pointed. General Washington addressed them in very 
impressive terms, reminding them of the cause for 
which they had taken up arms, the fidelity and con- 
stancy with which they had hitherto devoted them- 
selves to that cause, and the sacred trust which was 
still reposed in them as the defenders of their country's 
liberty ; appealing to the honor and patriotism, by 
Avhich they had so nobly and generously shown them- 
selves to be actuated in the perils of the field, and 
amidst the unexampled sufferings of a protracted war; 
and imploring them not to cast a shade over the glory 
they had acquired, nor tarnish their well earned repu- 
tation, nor lessen their dignity, by an intemperate or 
indiscreet act at the moment when the great object of 
their toils was achieved, and the world was loud in its 
praise of their valor, fortitude, and success. He ac 
knowledged the equity of their claims, and the reason- 
ableness of their complaints ; but he deprecated the 
idea, that on this account they should distrust the 



JET. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 345 

plighted faith of their country, or the intentions of 
Congress ; expressing his firm belief, that, before they 
should be disbanded, everything would be adjusted to 
their satisfaction ; and pledging himself, from a sense 
of gratitude for their past services, and from the at- 
tachment he felt to an army, which had adhered to 
him in every vicissitude of fortune, to employ all his 
abilities and his best exertions to procure for them 
complete justice, as far as it could be done consistently 
with the great duty he owed to his country, and to the 
authority which every citizen was bound to respect. 

After speaking these sentiments, and others of a 
similar tendenc\% suited to soothe their feelings and 
inspire confidence, he retired from the assembly. The 
deliberation of the officers was short, and their decis- 
ion prompt and unanimous. They passed resolutions, 
thanking the Commander-in-chief for the course he had 
pursued, and expressive of their unabated attachment; 
and also declaring their unshaken reliance on the good 
faith of Congress and their country, and a determi- 
nation to bear with patience their grievances till in due 
time they should be redressed. A full account of the 
transactions was transmitted to Congress and published 
in their journals. 

The incidents are clearly and briefly related by Gen- 
eral Washington in a letter to Governor Harrison of 
Virginia, written immediately after their occurrence. 

" You have not been unacquainted, I dare say, with 
the fears, the hopes, the apprehensions, and the expec- 
tations of the army, relative to the provision which is 
to be made for them hereafter. Although a firm re- 
liance on the integrity of Congress, and a belief that 
the public would finally do justice to all its servants 
and give an indisputable security for the payment of 
the half-pay of the ofiicers, had kept them amidst a 
variety of sufferings tolerably quiet and contented for 



346 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 

two or three years past ; yet the total want of pay, the 
little prospect of receiving any from the unpromising 
state of the public finances, and the absohite aversion 
of the States to establish any Continental funds for the 
payment of the debt due to the arm}', did at the close 
of the last campaign excite greater discontents, and 
threaten more serious and alarming consequences, than 
it is easy for me to describe or you to conceive. Hap- 
pily for us, the officers of highest rank and greatest 
consideration interposed ; and it was determined to 
address Congress in an humble, pathetic, and explicit 
manner. 

" While the sovereign power appeared perfectly well 
disposed to do justice, it was discovered that the States 
would enable them to do nothing ; and, in this state of 
affairs, and after some time spent on the business in 
Philadelphia, a report was made by the delegates of 
the army, giving a detail of the proceedings. Before 
this could be fully communicated to the troops, while 
the minds of all were in a peculiar state of inquietude 
and irritation, an anonymous writer, though he did not 
step forth and give his name boldly to the world, sent 
into circulation an address to the officers of the army, 
which, in point of composition, in elegance and force 
of expression, has rarely been equaled in the English 
language, and in which the dreadful alternative was 
proposed of relinquishing the service in a body if the 
war continued, or retaining their arms in case of peace, 
until Congress should comply with all their demands. 
At the same time, and at the moment when their minds 
were inflamed by the most pathetic representations, a 
general meeting of the officers was summoned by 
another anonymous production. 

" It is impossible to say what would have been the 
consequences, had the author succeeded in his first 
plans. But measures having been taken to postpone 



Mt. 5i.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 347 

the meeting, so as to give time for cool reflection and 
counteraction, the good sense of the officers has termi- 
nat- d this affair in a manner which reflects the great- 
est alory on themselves, and demands the highest 
ex]n'essions of gratitude from their country." 

Thus, by the prudent measures of the Commander- 
in-chief, the excitement was allayed and tranquillity 
w^as restored to the army. Nor did he delay to fulfil 
the pledge he had made, writing to Congress with an 
earnestness and force of argument which showed him 
to be moved not less by his feelings, than by a sense 
of duty, iu asserting the rights and just claims of those 
w^ho, to use his own words, "had so long, so patiently, 
and so cheerfully suffered and fought under his direc- 
tion," and urging a speedy decision in their favor. 
His representations and appeals were not disregarded. 
The subject was again considered in Congress, and the 
requisite number of States voted for the commutation 
of half-pay, and for the other provisions solicited by 
the officers in their memorial.* 

In a few days the joyful news arrived that a pre- 
liminary treaty of peace had been signed at Paris. The 
intelligence was brought in a French vessel from Cadiz, 
with a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, who was 
then at that place preparing for an expedition to the 
West Indies under Count d'Estaing. Shortly after- 
wards Sir Guy Carleton communicated the same, as 
from official authority, and announced the cessation of 
hostilities. A proclamation to this effect was made to 
the American army on the 19th of April, precisely 
eight years from the day on which the first blood was 
shed in this memorable contest at Lexington. 

* Tlie anonymous addresses were from the pen of Major John Armstrong, 
at that thne" an aide-de-camp to General Gates. They were written at the 
request of several officers, who believed that the tardy proceedings of Con- 
fess, and the reluctance of that body to recognize the claims of the public 
creditors, called for a more decided expression of the sentiments of the army. 



348 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl783. 

Although the military labors of General Washington 
were now drawing to a close, in the attainment of the 
great object to which he had devoted himself with an 
ardor, constancy, endurance, and singleness of purpose, 
that had never been surpassed by any commander, yet 
liis anxiety for the future was scarcely diminished. 
The love of liberty which had prompted him to such 
trials and disinterested exertions in the cause of his 
country was equally alive to the success of that cause 
in building up the fabric of freedom on a firm and 
durable basis. 

The preparation of a plan for a peace establishment, 
which had been solicited by Congress, and some pre- 
liminary arrangements with the British commander in 
regard to the evacuation of New York, occupied him 
several weeks. For these latter objects he had a per- 
sonal conference with Sir Guy Carleton at Orange- 
town. 

The circular letter, which he wrote to the governors 
of the States, as his last official communication, and 
which was designed to be laid before the several legis- 
hitures, is remarkable for its ability, the deep interest 
it manifests for the officers and soldiers who had 
fought the battles of their countr}^ the soundness of 
its principles, and the wisdom of its counsels. Four 
great points he aims to enforce as essential in 
guiding the deliberations of every public body, and 
as claiming the serious attention of every citizen, 
namel}^ an indissoluble union of the States ; a sacred 
regard to public justice ; the adoption of a proper 
military peace establishment ; and a pacific and friendly 
disposition among the people of the States, which 
should induce them to forget local prejudices, and 
incline them to mutual concessions for the advan- 
tage of the community. These he calls the pillars 
by which alone independence and national char- 



Mt. 51.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 349 

Rctep can be supported. On each of these topics he 
remarks at considerable length, with a felicity of style 
and cogency of reasoning in all respects worthy of the 
subject. No public address could have been better 
adapted to the state of the times ; and coming from 
such a source, its influence on the minds of the people 
must have been effectual and most salutary. 

Many of the troops went home on furlough; and 
General Washington, having little to do in camp till 
the arrival of the definitive treaty, resolved to employ 
the interval in making a tour to the northward, for the 
double purpose of gratifying his curiosity in visiting 
the scenes of the late military operations in that quar- 
ter, and of ascertaining from observation the natural 
resources of the country. In company with Governor 
Clinton he ascended the Hudson to Albany, and pro- 
ceeded thence over the battle-fields of Saratoga, as far 
as Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Turning then to 
the Mohawk Kiver, he extended his journey w^estward 
to Fort Schuyler. He was absent from Newburg nine- 
teen da}' s. Ever regarding the condition and affairs 
of his country on a comprehensive scale, and fixing his 
thoughts on its importance as a nation, he saw, while 
on this tour, the immense advantages that would result 
from a water communication between the Hudson and 
the great lakes, and believed in its practicability. His 
hopes and his anticipations have since been realized in 
the magnificent work, opening a passage for boats by 
a canal from the Hudson to Lake Erie, and effected by 
the enterprise and wealth of the State of New York. 

When he returned to Newburg, he found a letter 
from the President of Congress, asking his attendance 
on that assembly, then in session at Princeton. The 
object of this request was, to consult him on the 
arrangements for peace, and other public concerns. 
While he was making preparations to leave camp, 



350 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17^ 

Congress conferred on bim ne^^^ honors. It was voted 
unanimously, that an equestrian statue of General 
Washington should be erected at the place where the 
residence of Congress should be established, and that 
it should be executed by the best artist in Europe, 
under the superintendence of the Minister of the 
United States at the Court of Yersailles. 

Lea vine: the armv under the immediate command of 
General Knox, the officers higher in rank having gone 
home by permission, Washington obeyed the summons 
of Congress, and went to Princeton, where he was in- 
troduced into the assembly while in session by two of 
the members appointed for the purpose. He was then 
addressed by the President, who congratulated him on 
the success of the war, in which he had acted so con- 
spicuous and important a part. " In other nations," 
said the President, " many have performed eminent 
services, for which they have deserved the thanks of 
the public. But to you. Sir, peculiar praise is due. 
Your services have been essential in acquiring and 
establishing the freedom and independence of your 
country. They deserve the grateful acknowledgments 
of a free and independent nation." To this address 
Washington replied in the presence of Congress, and 
then retired. A house was provided for him at Pocky 
Hill, three or four miles from Princeton, where he 
resided, holding conferences from time to time with 
committees and members of Congress, and giving 
counsel on such subjects as were referred to his con- 
sideration. 

A large part of the officers and soldiers had been 
permitted during the summer to retire from the army 
on furlough, and Congress issued a proclamation, on 
the 18th of October, discharging them from further 
service, and all others who had been engaged to serve 
during the war. The army was thus in effect dis- 



JET. 51.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 351 

banded. A small force only was retained, consisting 
of such troops as had been enlisted for a definite time, 
till the peace establishment should be organized. 

This proclamation was followed by General Wash- 
ington's farewell address to the army, a performance 
not less admirable in its principles and its objects, than 
his circular letter to the States. To his cordial and 
affectionate thanks for the devotedness of the officers 
and soldiers to him through the w^ar, and for the man- 
ner in which they had discharged their duty, he adds 
seasonable advice as to their conduct in resuming the 
character of private citizens, and in contributing to 
the support of civil government. " Let it be known 
and remembered," said he, " that the reputation of 
the federal armies is established beyond the reach of 
malevolence ; and let a consciousness of their achieve- 
ments and fame still incite the men, who composed 
them, to honorable actions; under the persuasion, that 
the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, 
will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more 
splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise 
were in the field. Every one may rest assured, that 
much, very much, of the future happiness of the officers 
and men will depend upon the wise and manly con- 
duct, which shall be adopted by them when they are 
mingled with the great body of the community. And, 
although the General has so frequently given it as his 
opinion in the most public and explicit manner, that, 
unless the principles of the Federal Government w^ere 
properly supported, and the powers of the Union in- 
creased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation 
would be lost forever ; yet he cannot help repeating, 
on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leav- 
ing it as his last injunction to every officer and every 
soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious 
point of Hghtj to add his best ende^yors to those of hi?^ 



352 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

worthy fellow-citizens towards effecting these great 
and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as 
a nation so materially depends." 

At length Sir Guy Carleton received orders from the 
ministry to evacuate iS^ew York, and gave notice to Gen- 
eral Washington that he should soon be ready for that 
event. Delay had been occasioned by the Avant of 
transports in sufficient numbers to send to Nova Scotia 
the refugees, who had sought protection in New York 
during the war, and the large amount of goods, stores, 
and military supplies, which had accumulated in 
that city. Many of these persons would gladly have 
remained in the country, having property which they 
desired to recover, and relatives and friends whom they 
were reluctant to abandon ; but they were exiled by 
the laws of the States, and could not be admitted to the 
privileges of a residence till these laws were repealed. 

Washington repaired to West Point, to which place 
General Knox had drawn the troops that still remained 
in the service. Arrangements were made with Governor 
Clinton, the chief magistrate of the State of New York, 
by which the city was to be delivered into his charge. 
A detachment of troops marched from West Point 
to Harlem, and was joined there by General Washing- 
ton and Governor Clinton. In the morning of the 25th 
of November, they advanced to the upper part of the 
city, where they continued till one o'clock, when the 
British parties retired from the posts in that quarter, 
and were followed by the American infantry and 
artillery, preceded by a corps of dragoons. Meantime 
the British troops embarked. Possession being thus 
taken of the city, the military officers, and the civil 
officers of the State, made a public entry. The Gen- 
eral and Governor rode at the head of the proces- 
sion on horseback. Then came in regular succession, 
the lieutenant-governor and members of the council. 



^T. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 353 

General Knox and the officers of the army, the speaker 
of the Assembly and citizens. They were escorted by 
a body of Westchester light horse, as a compliment to 
the Governor and civil authority ; the Continental 
military jurisdiction being supposed to have ceased, or 
at least to have been suspended in deference to the civil 
power of the State. Governor Clinton gave a public 
entertainment, with which the transactions of the day 
were closed. Perfect order and quiet prevailed from 
the beginning to the end, and no untoward incident 
occurred to mar the interest of an occasion, which 
had been so long wished for, and was so joyfully wel- 
comed. 

A trial of feeling now awaited the Commander-in- 
chief, Avhich for the moment was more severe and pain- 
ful, than any he had been called to bear. The time 
had arrived, when he was to bid a final adieu to his 
companions in arms, to many of whom he was bound 
by the strongest ties of friendship, and for all of whom 
he felt a lively gratitude and sincere regard. "This 
affecting interview took place on the 4:th of December. 
At noon, the principal officers of the army assembled at 
Frances's tavern, soon after which their beloved com- 
mander entered the room. His emotions were too 
strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to 
them and said, ' With a heart full of love and grati- 
tude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish, 
that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, 
as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' 
Having drunk, he added, ^ I cannot come to each of 
you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of 
you will come and take me by the hand.' General 
Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, in- 
capable of utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced 
him. In the same affectionate manner he took leave 
of each succeeding officer. The tear of manly gensibil- 



354: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

ity was in every eye ; and not a word was articulated to 
interrupt the dignified silence and the tenderness of the 
scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the corps 
of light infantry, and walked to White Hall, where a 
barge waited to convey him to Paulus Hook. The 
whole company followed in mute and solemn proces- 
sion, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of 
delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. 
Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, 
and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They 
paid him the same affectionate compliment ; and, after 
the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn 
manner to the place where they had assembled." * 

Congress had adjourned from Princeton to Annapolis 
in Mar3^1and. Washington traveled slow^ly to that 
place, greeted everywhere on the road by the acclama- 
tions of his fellow-citizens, and the most gratifying 
tokens of their love and respect. As he passed along, 
public addresses were presented to him by the legisla- 
tures of 'New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, the 
Philosophical Society and the University in Philadel- 
phia, citizens of towns in their corporate capacity, re- 
ligious societies, and various incorporated associations. 
Arrived at the seat of Congress, he informed the Presi- 
dent, that he was read 3^ to resign the commission, with 
which he had been honored in the service of his country. 
This ceremony was performed in the Hall of Congress 
on the 23d of December, all the members and a large 
concourse of spectators being present. At the close of 
his address on this occasion, he said: "Having now 
finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great 
theater of action ; and, bidding an affectionate farewell 
to this august body, under whose orders I have so long 
acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave 
of all the employments of public life." He then ad 

* JlARsau-L's Life of Washington, 2d ed,, Yq\. U. p. 5T. 



^T. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 355 

vanced and gave his commission into the hands of the 
President, who replied to bis address. The ceremony 
being ended, he withdrew from the assembly, divested 
of his official character, and sustaining no other rank 
than that of a private citizen. 

The next morning he left Annapolis, and reached 
Mount Yernon the same day, having been absent in the 
command of the army somewhat more than eight years 
and a half, during ^vhich period he had never been at 
bis own house except accidentally while on his way 
v/ith Count de Eochambeau to Yorktown, and in 
returning from that expedition. 



356 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 



CHAPTEK XXXI. 

He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his public Serrlces. — • 
His Feelings on being relieved from the Burden of Office. — Devotes him. 
self to Agriculture. — Makes a tour to the Western Country, — His ex- 
tensive Plans for internal Navigation. — These Plans adopted by the State 
of Virginia. — Visit of the Marquis de Lafayette to America. — Washington 
refuses to accept a Donation from the State of Virginia. — His liberal Acts 
for the Encouragement of Education. — Approves the Countess of Hunt- 
ington's Scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the Indians. 

General Washington believed his career as a public 
man to be now at an end. He seems indeed to have 
formed a resolution never again to leave his retirement, 
unless called out by some great exigency in the affairs 
of his country, which at that time he neither foresaw^ 
nor expected. However much he might have been 
gratified with the honors bestowed upon him by his 
countrymen, with the success of his long and unwearied 
services, and the applause of the whole civilized world, 
it was nevertheless with a heartfelt delight which none 
of these could give, that he returned to the quiet scenes 
and congenial employments of private life. For we 
may here repeat what has been said in a former part 
of this narrative, that no occupations interested him so 
much, or engaged his thoughts so constantly, as those 
of the practical agriculturist. He was fond of adorn- 
ing and improving his grounds as an amusement, and 
was devoted to the cultivation of his farms, upon a 
thorough, economical, and systematic plan, both as a 
means of increasing his property, and as being suited 
to his tastes and early habits. 

His first care, after establishing himself at Mount 
Yemen, was to examine minutely into the state of his 
private affairs, which had become deranged by his long 



^T. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 357 

absence and the disorders of the times. His fortune 
was ample for a republican citizen, and a man who 
derived neither consequence nor pleasure from display, 
but it had necessarily suffered a diminution during the 
war. Adhering rigidly to the resolution he had formed, 
when he accepted the command of the army, not to 
receive any remuneration from the public, either m the 
shape of pay or other pecuniary reward, he now con- 
sidered it a duty to repair the losses he had sustained, as 
well by economy in his style of living, as by all the 
usual efforts to increase the productiveness of his estates. 

Some of his countrymen, estimating his services to 
the public at their just value, and knowing the injury 
his private affairs had suffered in consequence of them, 
hoped to change his purpose of refusing pecuniary 
compensation. A few days before he resigned his 
commission, the Supreme Executive Council of Penn- 
sylvania sent the following instructions on this subject 
to the delegates in Congress from that State. 

" Though his Excellency General Washington pro- 
poses in a short time to retire, yet his illustrious ac- 
tions and virtues render his character so splendid and 
venerable, that it is highly probable the admiration 
and esteem of the world may make his life in a very 
considerable degree public, as numbers will be desirous 
of seeing the great and good man, who has so emi- 
nently contributed to the happiness of a nation. His 
very services to his country may therefore subject him 
to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to inter- 
pose. 

" We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterest- 
edness and generosity of his soul. He thinks himself 
amply rewarded for all his labors and cares, by the 
love and prosperity of his fellow citizens. It is true, 
no rewards they can bestow can be equal to his merits. 
But they ought not to suffer those merits to be bur- 



358 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 

densome to him. We are convinced that the people 
of Pennsylvania would regret such a consequence. 

" We are aware of the delicacy, with which this 
subject must be treated. But, relying upon the good 
sense of Congress, we wish it may engage their early 
attention." 

These instructions were received by the delegates, 
and a copy was forwarded to General Washington 
after he had arrived at Mount Yernon. It was not 
thought advisable to lay them before Congress, or take 
any steps in fulfilling them, without his previous 
knowledge and approbation. In this case, as in every 
other, he acted consistently with his character. He 
promptly declined the intended favor. All proceed- 
ings on the subject were accordingly^ stopped. There 
can be no doubt, that the sentiments of the Executive 
Council of Pennsylvania would have been responded to 
b}^ the whole nation, and that a liberal grant froiji 
Congress would everywhere have met with a cordial 
assent. 

The feelings of Washington, on being relieved from 
the solicitude and burdens of office, were forcibly ex- 
pressed in letters to his friends. " At length," said he, 
in writing to Lafayette, " I am become a private citi- 
zen, on the banks of the Potomac; and, under the 
shadow of m^^ own vine and my own figtree, free from 
the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, 
I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, 
of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, 
the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights 
are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare 
of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if 
this globe was insufficient for us all, and the courtier, 
who is always watching the countenance of his prince, 
in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very 
little conception. I have not only retired from all 



^T. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 359 

public eTTiployments, but I am retiring within myself 
and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread 
the paths of private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction 
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with 
all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order for my 
march, I will move gently down the stream of life, 
until I sleep with my fathers." ^ , 

To General Knox he wrote : " I am just beginning 
to experience that ease and freedom from public cares, 
which, however desirable, takes some time to reabze ; 
for strange as it mav seem, it is nevertheless true, that 
it was not till lately ^I could get the better of my usual 
custom of ruminating, as soon as 1 waked m the morn- 
ino- on the business of the ensuing day; and of my 
surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my 
mind, that I was no longer a public man, nor had any 
thino- to do with public transactions. I feel now, how- 
ever°as I conceive a wearied traveler must do, who, 
after treading many a painful step with a heavy bur- 
den on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, havmg 
reached the haven to which all the former were directed, 
and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing 
with an eager eve the meanders by which he escaped 
the quicksands and mires which lay in his way ; and 
into which none but the all-powerful Guide and Dis- 
penser of human events could have prevented his 

falling." 

The time and thoughts of Washington were now con- 
fined to his farms, and to such acts of hospitality as 
were demanded by the numerous visits from strangers 
and his acquaintances, who were drawn to Mount \ er- 
non bv motives of curiosity, admiration, and respect. 
However onerous these visits might be, on some occa- 
sions, his house was open to all that came, and his 
personal civilities were so rendered as to strengthen 
the affections of his friends, and win the esteem of 



360 LIFE OF V\^ASHINGTON. [1784. 

those, who had known him only by his fame, and 
revered hhn for his public character. And it is but just 
to say, that in all these duties Mrs. Washington per- 
formed her part with such discretion, assiduity, and 
courtesy, without ostentation on the one hand or con- 
straint on the other, as, at the same time that it proved 
the goodness of her heart and her power to please, in- 
sured the comfort and enjoyment of her guests, and 
convinced them of the domestic harmony and happiness, 
that reiirned in the mansion at Mount Vernon. 

In the month of September, 17S4, Washington made 
a tour to the Western country, for the purpose of in- 
specting the lands he owned beyond the Alleghany 
Mountains, and also of ascertaining the practicability 
of opening a communication between the head waters 
of the rivers running eastward into the Atlantic, and 
those that flow westward to the Ohio. The extent of 
this journey was six hundred and eighty miles, the 
Avhole of which he traveled on horseback, using pack- 
horses for the conveyance of a tent, the necessary bag- 
gage, and such supplies as could not be procured in 
the wild and unsettled regions through which he was 
to pass. He crossed the mountains by the usual route 
of Braddock's Eoad, and spent several days in survey- 
ing and inspecting his lands on the Monongahela 
Kiver, a part of which was occupied by settlers. His 
first intention was to descend the Ohio, as he had done 
in the year 1770, to the Great Kenhawa, where he 
owned a large tract of wild land ; but the hostile 
temper of the Indians rendering this expedition hazar- 
dous, and the motive not being strong enough to in- 
duce him to run risks, he advanced westward no 
further than the Monongahela. Keturning by a cir- 
cuitous route, he passed through the heart of the 
wilderness, first ascending the Monongahela Eiver, 
and thence traversing the country far to the south be- 



.^T. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3G1 

tween the ridges of the Alleghany Mountains, with the 
special view of deciding the question in his own mind, 
whether the Potomac and James Rivers could be 
connected by internal navigation w4th the western 
waters. He conversed on the subject with every in- 
telligent person he met, and kept a journal in w^hich 
he recorded the results of his observations and in- 
quiries. 

Ilis thoughts had been turned to this enterprise 
before the Eevolution ; and, since the peace, he had 
used unwearied diligence by an extensive correspond- 
ence to procure facts respecting the rivers falling 
into the Ohio from the west, and into the great Lakes, 
and also the distances from various navigable points 
in those rivers and lakes to the head waters of the 
streams flowing towards the Atlantic. Soon after 
returning from his western tour, he communicated to 
the governor of Virginia the fruits of his investi- 
gations in a letter, one of the ablest, most sagacious, 
and most important productions of his pen. Pre- 
senting first a clear state of the question, and showing 
the practicability of facilitating the intercourse of 
trade between the east and the west by improving 
and extending the water communications, he then 
proceeds by a train of unanswerable argument and 
illustration to explain the immense advantages, that 
would arise from such a measure, in strengthening the 
union of the States, multiplying the resources of trade, 
and promoting the prosperity of the countrj^ 

At this time the State of Yirginia, being large and 
powerful, stretching on one side to the Atlantic ocean 
and on the other to the western waters, and having 
in its bosom two noble rivers descending from the 
summits of the AUeghanies, he thought the most favor- 
ably situated for beginning the great work. He rec- 
ommended, therefore, as a preliminary step, that 



303 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 

commissioners should be appointed to survey th© 
Potomac and James Eivers from tide-water to their 
sources, and the portages between them and the prin- 
cipal western streams, following these streams to their 
junction with the Ohio, measuring with accuracy the 
distances, noting the obstructions to be removed, and 
estimating the probable expense. He also advised a 
similar survey of the rivers west of the Ohio, as far as 
Detroit. " These things being done," said he, " I 
shall be mistahen if prejudice does not yield to facts, 
jealousy to candor, and finally, if reason and nature, 
thus aided, do not dictate what is right and proper to 
be done." The governor laid this letter before the 
legislature. It was the first suggestion of the great 
system of internal improvements, which has since 
been pursued in the United States. 

A short time before his journey to the west, Washing- 
ton had the satisfaction of receiving at Mount Yernon 
the Marquis de Lafayette, for whom he cherished the 
warmest friendship, heightened by gratitude for the 
disinterestedness and ardor with which he had espoused 
the cause of American freedom, and the signal serv- 
ices he had rendered. Two or three months were 
passed by Lafayette in the middle and eastern States, 
and in JS'ovember he arrived at Richmond in Yirginia. 
Washington met him at that place, where they were 
both received with public honors by the legislature 
then in session. They returned together to Mount 
Yernon ; and, when Lafayette's visit was concluded, 
"Washington accompanied him on his way to Anna- 
polis. 

In a letter to Lafayette's wife he said : " We re- 
store the Marquis to you in good health, crowned with 
wreaths of love and respect from every part of the 
Union." The parting of the two friends was affect- 
ing, and showed the strength of the ties by which they 



JET. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 363 

were united. As soon as he reached home, Washing- 
ton wrote to him as follows : " In the moment of our 
separation, upon the road as I traveled, and every 
hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and at- 
tachment for you, with which length of years, close 
connection, and your merits have inspired me. I often 
asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that 
was the last sight I ever should have of you? And 
though I wished to say ISTo, my fears answered Yes ? 
I called to mind the days of my youth, and found 
they had long since fled to return no more ; that I 
was now descending the hill I had been fifty-two 
years climbing, and that, though I was blest with a 
good constitution, I was of a short-lived family, and 
might soon expect to be entombed in the man- 
sion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the 
shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and con- 
sequently to my prospect of seeing you again." This 
melancholy presage was fulfilled. They never met 
afterwards. But their attachment remained indis- 
soluble, and Washington lived to sympathize in the 
misfortunes of his friend, and to have the consolation 
of using all the means in his power to rescue him 
from the sufferings he so long endured in a cruel 
imprisonment. 

The hopes of General Washington, in regard to his 
favorite scheme of internal navigation, were more than 
realized. The legislature of Yirginia, after duly con- 
sidering his letter to the governor, not only appointed 
the commission for surveys, but organized two com- 
panies, called the Potomac Company and the James 
Eiver Company, for the purpose of carrying the plan 
into effect. They moreover complimented him without 
a dissenting voice, by a donation of fifty shares in the 
former company, and one hundred shares in the latter; 
the fifty shares being estimated at ten thousand dollars, 



364 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 

and the others at Q.ve thousand pounds sterling. Aware 
of his delicacy on the subject of receiving money from 
the public, the legislature contrived to frame the pre- 
amble of the act in such language, as, it was hoped, 
would remove his scruples. " It is the desire of the 
representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every 
suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the un- 
exampled merits of George Washington towards his 
country ; and it is their wish in particular, that those 
great works for its improvement, which, both as spring- 
ing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental 
in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, 
will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made 
monuments also of the gratitude of his country." 

If he was highly gratified, as he must have been, 
with the public testimony of affection and respect, he 
was scarcely less embarrassed by it. 'Not that he 
hesitated, as to the course he should pursue, but the 
grant had been made in so liberal a manner, and from 
motives so pure, tliat he feared a refusal might be 
regarded in an unfavorable light, as evincing either 
ingratitude to his friends, or a disposition to gain 
applause by a show of disint restedness, unusual if not 
unnecessary. He stated his difficulties freely in private 
letters to the governor, and to some of the principal 
members of the legislature ; declaring, at the same 
time, that he could not, consistently with his principles, 
accept the proffered gift in such a way, that he should 
derive from it any emolument to himself. A positive 
decision was not required till the next session of the 
legislature, when he wrote officially to the governor 
declining the grant ; but, lest the operations of the 
companies should be retarded by withdrawing the sub- 
scriptions for the shares, which have been made by the 
treasurer on his account, he suggested, that, if the As- 
sembly should think proper to submit to him the 



.^T. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 365 

appropriation of them for some object of a public 
nature, he Tvould accept the trust. His proposition 
was cheerfully acceded to ; and, by an act of the As- 
sembly, the shares were assigned to such public objects, 
as he should direct during his life, or by his last will 
and testament. 

The purpose, which he first had in view, was the en- 
couragement of education, and this purpose was ulti- 
mately accomplished. Some lime before his death, he 
made over the shares in the James River Company to 
an institution in Rockbridge County, then called 
Liberty Hall Academy. The name has since been 
changed to Washington College. The fifty shares in 
the Potomac Company he bequeathed in perpetuity for 
the endowment of a university in the District of Co- 
lum.bia, under the auspices of the government ; and, if 
such a seminary should not be established by the 
government, the fund was to increase till it should be 
adequate, with such other resources as might be ob- 
tained, for the accomplishment of the design. The 
establishing of a national university was always one 
of his favorite schemes. He recommended it in his 
messages to Congress, and often in his letters spoke of 
the advantages, which would be derived from it to the 
nation. 

It may here be added, that he was a zealous advocate 
for schools and literarv institutions of everv kind, and 
sought to promote them, whenever an opportunity 
offered, by his public addresses and by private benefac- 
tions. In this spirit he accepted the chancellorship of 
William and Mary College, being earnestly solicited by 
the trustees. In his answer to them, accepting the 
appointment, he said : " I rely fully in your strenuous 
endeavors for placing the system on such a basis, as 
will render it most beneficial to the State and the 
republic of letters, as well as to the more extensive 



366 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 



interests of humanity and religion." The chancellor's 
duty consisted chiefly in suggesting and approving 
measures for tbe management of the college, and in 
recommending professors and teachers to fill vacancies 
in the departments of instruction. 

The acts of charity by which he contributed from 
his private means to foster education were not few 
nor small. During many years, he gave fifty pounds 
annually for the instruction of indigent children in 
Alexandria; and by will he left a legacy of four thou- 
sand dollars, the net income of which was to be used 
for the same benevolent object forever. Two or three 
instances are known, in which he offered to pay the 
expenses of 3'oung men through their collegiate coarse. 
"When General Greene died, he proposed to take under 
his protection one of the sons of his departed friend, 
pay the charges of his education, and bring him for- 
ward into life. Fortunately the circumstances, in 
which General Greene left his family, rendered this act 
of munificence and paternal care unnecessary. Other 
examples might be cited ; and, from his cautious habit 
of concealing from the world his deeds of charity, it 
may be presumed many others are unknown, in which 
his heart and his hand were open to the relief of 
indigent merit. 

The Countess of Huntington, celebrated for her re- 
ligious enthusiasm and liberal charities, formed a 
scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the I^orth 
American Indians. Being a daughter of the Earl of 
Ferrers, who was descended through the female line 
from a remote branch of the Washington family, she 
claimed relationship to General Washington, and 
wrote to him several letters respecting her project of 
benevolence and piety in America. It was her design 
to form, at her own charge, in the neighborhood of 
some of the Indian tribes, a settlement of industrious 



^T. 58.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 36? 

crnigraTits, who, by their example and habits, should 
gradually introduce among them the arts of civili- 
zation ; and missionaries were to teach them the prin- 
ciples of Christianity. Lady Huntington proposed, 
that the government of the United States should grant 
a tract of wild lands upon which her emigrants and 
missionaries should establish themselves. A scheme, 
prompted by motives so pure, and founded on so 
rational a basis, gained at once the approbation and 
countenance of Washington. He wrote to the Presi- 
dent of Congress, and to the governors of some of 
the States, expressing favorable sentiments of Lady 
Huntington's application. Political and local reasons 
interfered to defeat the plan. In the first place, it was 
thought doubtful whether a colony of foreigners set- 
tled on the western frontier, near the English on one 
side and the Spaniards on the other, would in the end 
prove conducive to the public tranquillity. And, in 
the next place, the States individually had ceded all 
their wild lands to the Union, and Congress were not 
certain that they possessed power to grant any portion 
of the new territory for such an object. Hence the 
project was laid aside, although "Washington offered 
to facilitate it as far as he could on a smaller scale, by 
allowing settlers to occupy his own lands, and be em- 
ployed according to Lady Huntington's views. 



368 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 



CHAPTEK XXXIL 

His operations in Farming and Horticulture.— Visitors at Mount Vernon.— 
His Habits.— Houdon's Statue.— Condition of the Country and Defects of the 
Confederacy. — Washington's Sentiments thereon. — First Steps towards 
effecting a Reform.— Convention at Annapolis. 

In the spring of 1785, he was engaged for several 
weeks in planting his grounds at ]\Ioiint Yernon v>ath 
trees and shrubs. To this interesting branch of hus- 
bandry he had devoted, considerable attention before 
the war, and during that period he had endeavored to 
carry out his phins of improvement. In some of his 
letters from camp, he gave minute directions to his 
manager for removing and planting trees ; but want 
of skill and other causes prevented these directions 
from being complied with, except in a very imperfect 
manner. The first year after the war, he applied him- 
self mainly to farming operations, with the view of 
restoring his neglected fields and commencing a regular 
system of practical agriculture. He graduall}^ aban- 
doned the cultivation of tobacco, which exhausted his 
lands, and substituted wheat and grass, as better suited 
to the soil, and in the aggregate more profitable. He 
began a new method of rotation of crops, in which he 
studied the particular qualities of the soil in the dif- 
ferent parts of his farms, causing wheat, maize, potatoes, 
oats, grass, and other crops to succeed each other in 
the same field at stated times. So exact was he in 
this method, that he drew out a scheme in which all 
his fields were numbered, and the crops assigned to 
them for several years in advance. It proved so suc- 
cessful, that he pursued it to the end of his life, with 
occasional slight deviations by way of experiment. 



JEn:, 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3G9 

Having thus arranged and systematized his agricul- 
tural operations, he now set himself at work in earnest 
to execute his purpose of planting and adorning the 
grounds around the mansion-house. In the direction 
of the left wing, and at a considerable distance, was a 
vegetable garden ; and on the right, at an equal dis- 
tance, was another garden for ornamental shrubs, plants, 
and flowers. Between these gardens, in front of the 
house, was a spacious lawn, surrounded by serpentine 
walks. Beyond tlie gardens and lawn were the 
orchards. Yery early in the spring he began with the 
lawn, selecting the choicest trees from the woods on 
his estates, and transferring them to the borders of the 
serpentine walks, arranging them in such a manner as 
to produce symmetry and beauty in the general 
effect, intermingling in just proportions forest trees, 
evergreens, and flowering shrubs. Tie attended person- 
ally to the selection, removal, and planting of every 
tree ; and his Diary, which is very particular from day 
to day through the whole process, proves that he en- 
gaged in it with intense interest, and anxiously Avatched 
each tree and shoot till it showed signs of renewed 
growth. Such trees as were not found on his own 
lands, he obtained from other parts of the country, and 
at length his design was completed according to his 
wishes. 

The orchards, gardens, and greenhouses were next 
replenished with all the varieties of rare fruit-trees, 
vegetables, shrubs, and flowering plants, which he 
could procure. This was less easily accomplished ; but, 
horticulture being with him a favorite pursuit, he con- 
tinued during his life to make new accessions of fruits 
and plants, both native and exotic. Pruning trees was 
one of his amusements ; and in the proper season he 
might be seen almost daily in his grounds and gardens 
with a pruning-hook or other horticultural implements 



370 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [It'sS. 

in his hands. Skilful gardeners were sought by him 
from Europe, whose knowledge and experience enabled 
him to execute his plans. 

Although relieved from public cares, he soon discov- 
ered, that the prospect, which he had so fondly cher- 
ished, of enjoying the repose of retirement, was much 
brighter than the reality. Writing to General Knox, 
he said, " It is not the letters from my friends, which 
give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. It is 
references to old matters, with which I have nothing 
to do ; applications which oftentimes cannot be com- 
plied with ; inquiries which w^ould require the pen of an 
historian to satisfy ; letters of compliment, as unmean- 
ing perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be 
attended to; and the commonplace business, which em- 
ploys my pen and my time, often disagreeably. In- 
deed these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and, 
unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of dis- 
agreeable consequences." The applications, of which 
he complains, were chiefly from officers or other per- 
sons, who had been connected with the army, and who 
wished to obtain from him certificates of character, or 
of services rendered during the war, or some other 
statement from his pen, for the purpose of substantiat- 
ing claims upon the government. His real attachment 
to all who had served faithfully in the army, as well as 
his humanity, prompted him to comply with these re- 
quests ; but in many cases they were unreasonable, and 
in all troublesome, as they required an examination of 
his voluminous papers, and a recurrence to facts which 
often could not be easily ascertained. And then his 
correspondence on topics of public interest, friendship, 
and civility, with persons in Europe and America, was 
very extensive. Add to this, his private affairs, the 
keeping of accounts, and his letters of businesSv For 
more than two yea.rs after the close of the war he ha4 



JET. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 371 

no clerk or secretary, and he was therefore incessantly 
employed in writing. At length this labor was in 
some degree lessened by the aid of Mr. Lear, who be- 
came his secretary, and resided in his family many 
years on terms of intimate friendship. 

The multitude of visitors at Mount Yernon increased. 
They came from the Old World and the ^New. Among 
them were foreigners of distinction, particularly from 
T'rance and other countries on thecontinent of Europe, 
bringing letters of introduction from the Marquis de 
Lafayette, Count de Rochambeau, Count d'Estaing, 
and some of the other general officers, Avho had served 
in America. The celebrated authoress and champion 
of liberty, Catherine Macaulay Graham, professed to 
have crossed the Atlantic for the sole purpose of testi- 
fying in person her admiration of the character and 
deeds of Washington. His own countrymen, in every 
part of the Union, as may well be supposed, were not 
less earnest in their good will, or less ready to prove 
their respect and attachment. Some came to keep 
alive friendship, some to ask counsel on public affairs, 
and many to gratify a natural and ardent curiosity. 
This throng of visitors necessarily demanded much of 
his time ; but in other respects the task of receiving 
them was made easy by the admirable economy of the 
household under the management of Mrs. Washing- 
ton. 

His habits were uniform, and nearly the same as 
they had been previously to the war. He rose before 
the sun, and employed himself in his study, writing 
letters or reading, till the hour of breakfast. When 
breakfast was over, his horse was ready at the door, 
and he rode to his farms and gave directions for the 
day to the managers and laborers. Horses were like- 
wise prepared for his guests, whenever they chose to 
^cconapany him, or to aniuse theroselve? by excursiop^ 



0T2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1785. 

into the country. Eeturning from his fields, and des- 
patching such business as happened to be on hand, he 
went again to his study, and continued there till three 
o'clock, when he was summoned to dinner. The re- 
mainder of the day and the evening were devoted to 
company, or to recreation in the family circle. At ten 
he retired to rest. From these habits he seldom de- 
viated, unless compelled to do so by particular circum- 
stances. 

The State of Virginia having resolved to erect a 
statue in honor of General Washington, the governor 
was authorized to employ an artist in Europe to exe- 
cute it. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, then in Paris, 
were commissioned to select the artist and make the 
contract. They chose M. Houdon, who was accounted 
one of the first statuaries of his time. It Avas the in- 
tention, that the statue should bear an exact resem- 
blance to ihe original. M. Houdon engaged in the 
undertaking with great enthusiasm, and came to Amer- 
ica in the same vessel, that conveyed Dr. Franklin 
home from his long and brilliant mission to France. 
He was at Mount Yernon three weeks, in the month of 
October, 1785, and modeled a bust of General AVash- 
ington, as exact in all its lineaments as his skill could 
make it. The statue is a precise copy of the model, 
and is undoubtedly the best representation of the 
original that exists. 

However much Washington was devoted to his 
private pursuits, so congenial to his taste and so exact- 
ing in their claims on his attention, yet neither hkzeal 
for the public good, nor the importunity of his corre- 
spondents, would allow his thoughts to be withdrawn 
from the political condition of his country. His opin- 
ions were asked and his advice was sought by the 
patriotic leaders in the public councils, and by such 
eminent persons as had been his coadjutors in the great 



^T. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373 

work of independence; who now looked with concern 
upon the system of national government, which was 
confessedly inadequate to stand by its own strength, 
much less to sustain the Union of the States. This 
union had hitherto been preserved by the pressure of 
war. It was rather the last resort of a stern neces- 
sity, than the spontaneous choice of all the thirteen 
republics. Peace had taken away its main props, and 
was fast dissolving the slender bands by which it was 
bound together. Congress was its center of action ; 
and this body, imperfectly organized, possessing little 
real authority, never confident in what it possessed, 
and often distracted by party discords, had become 
almost powerless. 

The confederation had proved itself to be defective 
in many points absolutely essential to the prosperity 
of a national government, if not to its very existence. 
The most remarkable of these defects was the want of 
power to regulate commerce, and to provide for the 
payment of debts contracted by the confederacy. 
Without such power it was impossible to execute trea- 
ties, fulfil foreign engagements, or cause the nation to 
be respected abroad ; and equally so, to render justice 
to public creditors at home, and to appease the clamor 
of discontent and disaffection, which so glaring a breach 
of public faith would naturally raise. 

It was evident to all, that an alarming crisis was 
near at hand, scarcely less to be dreaded than the war 
from which the country had just emerged, unless a 
timely and effectual remedy could be provided. Wash- 
ington's sentiments were often, freely, and feelingly 
expressed. " That we have it in our power," said he, 
" to become one of the most respectable nations upon 
earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we 
would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy to- 
wards one another, and keep good faith with the rest of 



374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 

th© world. That our resources are ample and increas- 
ing, none can deny ; but, while they are grudgingly 
applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to 
public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes of Europe, into 
contempt. It has long been a speculative question 
among philosophers and wise men, whether foreign 
commerce is of real advantage to any country ; that is, 
whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which 
are introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by 
the convenience and wealth which it brings. But the 
decision of this question is of very little importance to 
us. We have abundant reason to be convinced, that 
the spirit of trade, which pervades these States, is not 
to be restrained. It behoves us then to establish just 
principles ; and this cannot, any more than other mat- 
ters of national concern, be done by thirteen heads, 
differently constructed and organized. The necessity, 
therefore, of a controlling power is obvious ; and 
why it should be withheld is beyond my comprehen- 
sion." 

In short, the embarrassments growing out of the 
weakness of the confederacy, the utter inability of 
Congress to collect the means for paying the public 
debts or to provide for their security, the jealousies of 
the States, and the factious spirit of individuals, filled 
the mind of every true friend to his country with 
gloom and despondency. Congress had recommended 
an impost, or rate of duties, which was to be uniform 
in all the States, and the proceeds of which were to be 
appropriated to relieve the national wants. The States 
came tardily into this measure, as it seemed to be 
yielding a power which was claimed as a special pre- 
rogative of State sovereignty. The States in which 
commerce chiefly centered were influenced by another 
motive. A larger amount would be drawn from the 
revenue in such States than in others of equal or 



.^T. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 375 

greater extent, population, and internal wealth. Th© 
tact was overlooked or disregarded, that the consumers, 
wherever they resided, actually paid the impost, and 
that the commercial States, by controlling the imposts 
in their own ports, enjoyed advantages which the 
others did not possess. New York never acceded to 
the recommendation of Congress in such a manner as 
to make it operative ; and, as the success of the meas- 
ure everywhere depended on the caprice of the legisla- 
tures, and a rigid system of collection faithfully 
administered, there was but little hope of its answering 
the important end of supplying the national treasury. 

A dissolution of the Union, or an earl}^ and thor- 
ough reform, was inevitable. The mode of effecting 
the latter, and saving the republic, was a theme upon 
which Washington dwelt with deep solicitude in his 
correspondence and conversations with his friends. 
By a concurrence of favorable circumstances his advice 
and personal efforts were made available at the begin- 
ning of the train of events, which ended in the achieve- 
ment of the constitution. "To form a compact 
relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac and 
Pocomoke, and of part of the bay of Chesapeake, com- 
missioners were appointed by the legislatures of 
Virginia and Maryland, who assembled at Alexandria, 
in March, 1TS5. "While at Mount Yernon on a visit, 
they agreed to propose to their respective governments 
the appointment of other commissioners, with power 
to make conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of 
Congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval 
force in the Chesapeake, and to establish a tariff of 
duties on imports, to which the laws of both States 
should conform. When these propositions received the 
assent of the legislature of Yirginia, an additional 
resolution was passed, directing that which respected 
the duties on imports to be communicated to all the 



376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 

States in the Union, which were invited to send dep- 
uties to the meeting." * 

Accordingly, in January following, the Assembly of 
Virginia appointed commissioneis, who were instructed 
to meet such as should be appointed by the other 
States, " to take into consideration the trade of the 
United States, to examine the relative situation and 
trade of the said States, to consider how far a uniform 
system in their commercial relations may be necessary 
to their common interest and their permanent har- 
mony, and to report to the several States such an act 
relative to this great object, as, Avhen unanimously rati- 
fied by them, will enable the United States in Congress 
assembled effectually to provide for the same." The 
commissioners met at Annapolis, in September, 1786. 
Five States only sent deputies, and some of these came 
with such limited powers, tha.t it was soon ascertained 
that nothing could be done towards effecting the object 
for which they had come together. Their delibera- 
tions ended in a report to their respective States, in 
which they represented the defects of the federal 
system, and the necessity of a revision. They likewise 
recommended another convention of deputies from all 
the States, furnished with requisite powers, who should 
meet at Philadelphia on the second day of May. At 
the same time they sent a letter to Congress accom- 
panied with a copy of their report to the States. 

♦ Marshall's Life of Washington^ 2d edition, Vol. II. p. 103. 



^T. o4.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 377 



CIIAPTEK XXXIL. 

Proposal for a {general Convention, and Washington appointed a delegate 
from Virginia.— His Reasons for wishing to decline.— Society of the Ciu- 
ein:;ati.— Washington accepts the Appointment as Delegate.— Attends the 
Convention, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to the New Con- 
stitution.— His Opinion of the Constitution.— It adopted by the People. 
—Washington chosen the first President of the United States. 

When the legislature of Yirginia assembled, the re- 
port of the deputies was taken into consideration, and 
it Avas resolved to appoint seven delegates to meet 
those from the other States in a general convention. 
Washington's name was put at the head of the list, and 
he was chosen by a unanimous vote of the representa- 
tives. The intelligence was first communicated to him 
by M^. Madison, then a member of the assembly, and 
afterwards oflicially by the governor. 

He was not a little embarrassed with this choice ; 
for, although he heartily approved the measure, yet he 
thought there were reasons of a personal nature, which 
made it inexpedient, if not improper, for him to take 
any part in it. He did not absolutely decline, but 
suggested his difficulties, and expressed a hope, that 
some other person would be appointed in his place. 
As the weight of his name and the wisdom of his coun- 
sels were felt to be extremely important, in giving 
dignity and success to the proceedings of the conven- 
tion, and as several months would intervene before 
the meeting, neither the governor nor his other friends 
pressed him to a hasty decision, trusting that time and 
reflection would remove his doubts. 

His objections were frankly stated, and they are 
among the many evidences of his scrupulous regard to 
directness and consistency in every act of his life» " It 



378 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 

is not only inconvenient for me to leave home," said h« 
to the governor, '* but there will be, I apprehend, too 
much cause to charge my conduct with inconsistency 
in again appearing on a public theater, after a public 
declaration to the contrary ; and it will, I fear, have a 
tendency to sweep me back into the tide of public 
affairs, when retirement and ease are so much desired 
by me, and so essentially necessarj^" There can be 
no doubt, that, when he resigned his commission in the 
army, he firmly believed nothing could again occur to 
draw him from the retirement, to which he returned 
with such unfeigned satisfaction, and which no other 
consideration than the superior claims of his country 
could induce him to forego. On the present occasion 
he was not convinced, that his services would be more 
valuable than those of other citizens, whose ability and 
knowledge of public affairs, as his modesty would per- 
suade him, better qualified them for the task of devising 
and maturing a system of civil government. 

There was another objection, also, which seemed to 
bear with considerable weight on his mind. At the 
close of the war, some of the officers had formed them- 
selves into an association, called the Society of the 
Cincm?iati, the object of which was to establish a bond 
of union and fellowship between the oincers, who had 
served together during the war, and were then about 
to be separated, and particularly to raise a permanent 
fund for the relief of unfortunate members, their 
widows, and orphans. Although AVashington was not 
concerned in forming the society, yet he was well 
pleased with its benevolent design, and consented to 
be its president. Unexpectedly to him, however, and 
to all others connected with it, a very general dissatis- 
faction arose throughout the country, in regard to some 
of the principles upon which the society was founded. 
It was to be hereditary in the families of the members; 
it had a badge, or order, offensive in republican eyes. 



^T, 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 379 

as imitating the European orders of knighthood ; it ad- 
mitted foreign officers, who had served in America, and 
their descendants ; it provided for an indefinite ac- 
cumulation of funds, which were to be disposed of at 
the discretion of the members. Discontents grew into 
clamorous censures. Pamphlets were written against 
the society, and it was denounced as anti-republican, 
and a dangerous political engine. At the first general 
meeting, which was held at Philadelphia in May, 1784, 
Washington exerted himself successfully to have the 
most objectionable features altered, and the articles of 
association were now modeled conformably to his 
suggestions. After these changes the alarmists were 
less vehement in their attacks ; but they were not 
silenced, and the society continued to be looked upon 
with jealousy and disapprobation. 

A second general meeting was to take place in Phil- 
adelphia at the time appointed for the assembling of 
the convention. Before receiving notice that he was 
chosen a delegate, Washington had written a circular 
letter to the branches of the Society in the different 
States, declaring his intention to resign the presidency, 
and giving reasons why it would be inconvenient for 
him to attend the general meeting. He thought him- 
self thus placed in a delicate situation. Were he to be 
present at the convention, the members of the Cin- 
cinnati Society might suppose they had just grounds 
for suspecting his sincerity, or even of charging him 
with having deserted the officers, who had so nobly 
supported him during the war, and always manifested 
towards him uncommon respect and attachment. 
Having a grateful sense of their affection, and recipro- 
cating in reality all their kind feelings, he was reluctant 
to put himself in a condition, by which their favorable 
sentiments would be altered, or their sensibility in any 
degree wounded. 



380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1786. 

Again, some of his friends in various parts of the 
country expressed themselves doubtingly in their let- 
ters, as to the propriety of his going to the convention, 
and some advised against it. Many thought the 
scheme illegal, since there was no provision in the 
articles of the confederation for such a mode of re- 
vision, and it had not been proposed by Congress. It 
was feared, therefore, that the doings of the conven- 
tion would end in a failure, and perhaps in the disgrace 
of the delegates. They, who were perplexed with 
apprehensions of this sort, were unwilling that the 
brilliant reputation of Washington should be put to the 
hazard of being tarnished by an abortive experiment, 
and believed the interests of the country required it to 
be held in reserve for a more fitting opportunity. 

These obstacles, formidable for a time, were at last 
removed. Congress took the subject into considera- 
tion, and recommended to the States to send delegates 
to the convention for the purposes mentioned in the 
Annapolis report. Thus the measure Avas sanctioned 
by law. Congress likewise appointed the second Mon- 
day in May as the day for the delegates to assemble at 
Philadelphia. The time was fixed with reference to 
the meeting of the Cincinnati, which was to be a week 
earlier, whereby General Washington would be enabled 
to join his brethren of that fraternit}^, should he think 
proper, and explain his motives for declining to be 
again elected president. 

After these proceedings, and after it was found that 
the more enlightened part of the community very gen- 
erally approved the scheme of the convention, his 
friends everywhere urged him to accept the appoint- 
ment as one of the delegates from Virginia, and he 
acceded to their wishes. Another circumstance had 
much influence in bringing him to this decision. It 
began to be whispered that the persons opposed to the 



Mt. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S1 

convention were at heart monarchists, and that they 
were glad to see the distractions of the country in- 
creasing, till the people should be weary of them, and 
discover their only hope of security to consist in a 
strong government, as it was generally called, or, in 
other words, a constitutional monarchy ; for no one 
was ever supposed to dream of a despotic power in 
America. It has been said and believed that a small 
party, in despair of better things, actually meditated 
such a project, and turned their eyes to some of the 
royal families in Europe for a sovereign suited to con- 
trol the jarring elements of republicanism in the United 
States. However this may be, it is certain that no imag- 
ined remedy could have been more severely reprobated 
by "Washington. We have seen with what a stern re- 
buke the proposal to be a king was met by him, even 
when he literally had the power of the nation in his 
hands. From the beginning of the Revolution to the 
end of his life he was an uncompromising advocate for 
a republican system. In the abstract he regarded it as 
the best ; and he had faith enough in the virtue of the 
people, and in the efficacy of their former habits, to 
convince him that it might be successfully established. 
At all events he was for having the experiment thor- 
oughly tried ; and his whole conduct proves that, in 
regard to himself, he was ready to risk his reputation, 
his property, and his life, if necessary, in a cause so 
momentous to the welfare of his country and to the 
social progress of mankind. ^ 

He did not go to the convention unprepared for the 
great work there to be undertaken. His knowledge 
of the institutions of his own country and of its politi- 
cal forms, both in their general character and minute 
and affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long ex- 
perience, was probably as complete as that of any 
other man. But he was not satisfied with this alone. 



332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. 

He read the history and examined the principles 
of the ancient and modern confederacies. There 
is a paper in his handwriting, which contains an ab- 
stract of each, and in which are noted, in a methodical 
order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority 
they possessed, their modes of operation, and their 
defects. The confederacies analyzed in this paper are 
the Lycian, Amphictyonic, Achaean, Helvetic, Belgic, 
and Germanic. He also read the standard works on 
general politics and the science of government, abridg- 
ing parts of them, according to his usual practise, that 
he might impress the essential points more deeply on 
his mind. He was apprehensive that the delegates 
might come together fettered with instructions which 
would embarrass and retard, if not defeat, the salutary 
end proposed. " My wish is," said he, " that the con- 
vention may adopt no temporizing expedients, but 
probe the defects of the constitution to the bottom, and 
provide a radical cure, whether they are agreed to or 
not. A conduct of this kind will stamp wisdom and 
dignity on their proceedings, and hold up a light, 
which sooner or later will have its influence." Such 
were the preparations, and such the sentiments, with 
which he went to the convention. 
/ His arrival at Philadelphia was attended with public 
honors. At Chester he Avas met by General Mifflin, 
Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and several 
officers and gentlemen of distinction, who proceeded 
with him from that place. At Gray's Ferry a com- 
pany of light-horse took charge of him and escorted 
him into the city. His first visit was to Dr. Franklin, 
at that time President of Pennsylvania. All the States 
were represented in the convention, except Rhode 
Island ; and, when the body was organized for busi- 
ness, General Washington wsle, elected by a unanimous 
f ot§ to the president's chair^ The convention "ly^s iu 



^T. oo.] LIFE OF AVASHINGTON. 383 

session four months, and the diligence of the membei^ 
is proved by the fact, that they sat from five to seven 
hours a day. The result was the Constitution of the 
United States, which was proposed to be substituted 
for the Articles of Confederation. On the ITth of 
September, 1787, the constitution was signed by all 
the members present, except three, and forwarded 
with a letter to Congress. By that assembly it was 
sent to the State legislatures, for the purpose of being 
submitted in each State to a convention of delegates 
chosen by the people, in conformity w4th a resolve of 
the general convention. 

The constitut'on, as it came from the hands of its 
framers, was r warded by no one as theoretically per- 
fect. To forn 'I compact, which should unite thirteen 
independent i-- publics into a consolidated government 
possessing ••. ontrol over the whole, was not a work of 
easy achievement, even if there had been a uniformity 
in the previously established systems of the several 
States. The difficulty was increased by the wide dif- 
ferences in their situation, extent, habits, wealth, and 
particular interests. Eights and privileges were to be 
surrendered, not always in proportion to the advantages 
which seemed to be promised as an equivalent. In 
short, the constitution was an amicable compromise, 
the result of mutual deference and concession. Dr. 
Franklin said, in a short speech near the close of the 
convention : " I consent to this constitution, because I 
expect no better, and because I am not sure it is not 
the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I 
sacrifice to the public good." And Washington wrote 
not long afterwards : " There are some things in the 
new form, I w^ill readily acknowledge, which never 
did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial 
approbation ; but I did then conceive, and do now 
jnost firml^y belieyej, that in the aggregate it i>. the 



384 LIFE OF "WASHINGTON. [1788. - 

best constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, 
and that this, or a dissolution, awaits our choice, and 
is the only alternative." Again : " It appears to me 
little short of a miracle, that the delegates from so 
many States, diiferent from each other in their man- 
ners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in 
forming a system of national government, so little 
liable to well-fonnded objections. Nor am I 3^et such 
an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer 
of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real 
though not radical defects." 

Similar sentiments were doubtless entertained by all 
the prominent friends to the constitution. Faulty as 
it was, they looked upon it as the best that could be 
made, in the existing state of things, and as such they 
wished it to be fairly tried. It was moreover remark- 
able, that what one called a defect, another thought 
its most valuable part, so that in detail it was almost 
wholly condemned and approved. This Avas a proof, 
that there was nothing in it essentially bad, and it ap- 
proached very nearly to a just medium. If Ave judge 
from the tenor of Yv^ashington's letters, after it was 
sent out to the world, he watched its fate Avith anxious 
solicitude, and Avas animated Avith joy at the favor it 
gradually gained Avith the public and its ultimate 
triumph. It was universally agreed, that his name 
affixed to the constitution carried with it a most effec- 
tive influence on the minds of the people. 

The legislatures of all the States, which had been 
represented in the general convention, directed State 
conventions to be assembled, consisting of delegates 
chosen by the people for the express purpose of de- 
ciding on the adoption of the constitution. The ratifi- 
cation of nine States was necessary to give it validity 
and effect. The conventions in the several States met 
at different times, and it Avas nearly a year before the 



^T. 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S5 

requisite number had passed a decision. In the mean 
time, both the friends and opponents of the constitution 
were extremely active. The weight of opinion, how- 
ever, was found everywhere to preponderate on the 
side of the constitution. In some of the States it was 
adopted unanimously, and in nearly all of them the 
majority was much larger tban its most zealous ad- 
vocates had ventured to hope. Amendments were 
recommended in some instances, but in none was the 
ratification clogged by positive conditions of this sort. 
The same spirit of compromise and mutual concession 
seemed to prevail, that had been manifested in the 
general convention. In fine, though the opposition 
was strong, and upheld by a few of the ablest and best 
men in the country, yet the popular voice was so de- 
cidedly expressed on the other side, as to afford the 
most encouraging presages of the successful operation 
of the new form of government. 

Each State convention transmitted to Congress a 
testimonial of its ratification, signed by all its mem- 
bers. When these testimonials had been received from 
the requisite number of States, an act was passed by 
Congress appointing a day for the people throughout 
the Union, to choose electors of a President of the 
United States, according to the constitution, and an- 
other day for the electors to meet and vote for the 
person of their choice. The former election was to 
take place on the first Wednesday in February, 1789, 
and the latter on the first Wednesday in March fol- 
lowing. 

It was no sooner ascertained, that the constitution 
would probably be adopted, than the eyes of the nation 
were turned upon Washington, as the individual to be 
selected for that oflBce, the highest, most honorable, 
and most responsible, that could be conferred by the 
suffrages of a free people. His reluctance to being 



386 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788 

farther engaged in public life was well known, but 
every one knew also, that he never refused to obey the 
call of his country, or to make personal sacrifices for 
the public good. This was a ground of hope and of 
confidence. In him the whole people would be united. 
As to other candidates, there would be differences of 
opinion, rivalships, and, it was feared, unhappy divis- 
ions, that might mar the work so successfully begun, 
and perhaps end in its overthrow and ruin. The in- 
terest felt in the "subject, therefore, was intense; and 
at no period, even during the struggle of the Eevolu- 
tion, was the strong support of Washington more 
necessary, than at this crisis. 

The public sentiment was too openly and loudly pro- 
claimed to be concealed from him. Indeed those of his 
compatriots and associates, whose intimacy entitled 
them to use such a freedom, began early to prepare 
him for the result, by such arguments and advice, as 
they knew would be candidly considered, and be the 
best suited to act upon his mind. Some time before 
the election, in reply to a letter in which the subject 
had been brought pointedly before him by a gentleman 
then a member of Congress, he wrote as follows. 

" Should the contingency you suggest take place, 
and should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the 
office be overcome by a deference to the reasons and 
opinions of my friends, might I not, after the declara- 
tions I have made, (and Heaven knows they were made 
in the sincerity of my heart,) in the judgment of the 
impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with 
levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and am- 
bition? Nay, farther, would there not be some appa- 
rent foundation for the two former charges ? JSTow 
justice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require, 
that I should act a part, if not above imputation, at 
least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive 



Mr, 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 387 

me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though T prize 
as I ought the good opinion of mj fellow citizens, yet, 
if I kno\v myself, I would not ceek or retain popularity 
at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. 

" While doing what my conscience informed me was 
right, as it respected my God, my country, and myself, 
I could despise all the party clamor and unjust cen- 
sure, which might be expected from some, whose per- 
sonal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to 
the government. I am conscious, that I fear alone to 
give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not 
dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain 
I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the good of my 
country requires my reputation to be put in risk, 
regard for my own fame will not come in competition 
with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined 
the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. 
Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my in- 
creasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my 
growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my 
decided predilection for the character of a private 
citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor 
the hazard to which my former reputation might be 
exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues 
and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; 
but a belief, that some other person, who had less pre- 
tence, and less inclination, to be excused, could execute 
all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself." 

Sufiice it to say, that his scruples yielded to the 
earnest solicitations of his friends, to mature reflection, 
and to the counsels of his unerring judgment. The 
day of election came, and George Washington was 
chosen by the unanimous vote of the electors, and 
probably without a dissenting voice in the whole 
nation, the first President of the United States. 



ass LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 



* CHAPTER XXXIY. 

He receives official Notice of being chosen President.— His Journey to the Seat 
of Government at New York.— His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech.— 
Acquaints himself with the State of Public Affairs.— His Attention to his 
private Pursuits.— His Manner of receiving Visits and entertaining Com- 
pany.— Afflicted with a severe Illness.— Death of his Mother.— Economy of 
his Household.— Executive Departments formed. 

It being known that the choice of the people had 
fallen on General Washington for President, he made 
preparations to begin the duties of the office as soon 
as his election should be notified to him by the proper 
authority. The 4th of March was assigned as the day 
for the meeting of Congress, but a quorum did not 
come together till a month later. The votes of the 
electors were then opened and counted ; and a special 
messenger was despatched to Mount Yernon with a let- 
ter from the President of the Senate to General AVash- 
ington, conveying official intelligence of his election. 
John Adams was at the same time declared to be 
chosen Vice-President of the United States. Two days 
after receiving the notification, Washington left home 
for Xew York, which was then the seat of Congress. 

His feelings on this occasion are indicated in the fol- 
lowing extract from his Diary, Avritten on the day of 
his departure. " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to 
Mount Yernon, to private life, and to domestic felic- 
ity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious 
and painful sensations than I have words to express, 
set out for Xew York in company with Mr. Thompson 
and Colonel Humphreys, with the best disposition to 
render service to ray country in obedience to its call, 
but with less hope of answering its expectations." 



^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 

The whole journey was a kind of triumphal procession. 
He had hardly left his own house, when he was met by 
a company of gentlemen from Alexandria, who pro- 
ceeded with him to that town, where an entertainment 
was provided for him, and where he received and an- 
swered a public address. The people gathered to see 
him as he passed along the road. When he approached 
the several towns, the most respectable citizens came 
out to meet and welcome him ; he was escorted from 
place to place by companies of militia ; and in the prin- 
cipal cities his presence was announced by the firing of 
cannon, ringing of bells, and military display. 

A committee of Congress, consisting of three mem- 
bers of the Senate and five of the Kouse of Eepresent- 
atives, was appointed to meet him in ]^ew Jersey and 
attend him to the city of Isew York. To Elizabeth- 
town Point came many other persons of distinction, 
and the heads of the several departments of government. 
He was there received in a barge, splendidly fitted up 
for the occasion, and rowed by thirteen pilots in white 
uniforms. This was followed by vessels and boats, 
fancifully decorated, and crowded with spectators. 
When the President's barge came near to the city, a 
salute of thirteen guns was fired from the vessels in 
the harbor, and from the Battery. At the landing he 
was again saluted by a discharge of artillery, and was 
joined by the governor and other officers of the State, 
and the corporation of the city. A procession was then 
formed, headed by a long military train, which was 
followed by the principal officers of the State and city, 
the clergy, foreign ministers, and a great concourse of 
citizens. The procession advanced to the house pre- 
pared for the reception of the President. The day was 
passed in festivity and joy, and in the evening the city 
was brilliantly illuminated. 

The first public act of the President was that of 



390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

taldng the oath of office. It was decided by Congress, 
that this should be done with some ceremony. In the 
morniDg of the day appointed, April 30th, at nine 
o'clock, religious services suited to the occasion were 
performed in all the churches of the city. At twelve 
the troops paraded before the President's door, and 
soon afterwards came the committees of Congress and 
the heads of departments in carriages, to attend him 
to the Federal Ilall, where the the two houses of Con- 
gress were assembled. The procession moved forward 
with the troops in front, next the committees and 
heads of departments, then the President in a coach 
alone, followed by the foreign ministers, civil officers 
of the State, and citizens. Arrived at the Hall, he 
ascended to the senate-chamber, and passed thence to 
a balcony in front of the house, Avhere the oath was 
administered to him in presence of the people by 
Chancellor Livingston. The President returned to the 
senate-chamber, in the midst of loud acclamations from 
the surrounding throng of spectators, and delivered to 
the two branches of Congress his Inaugural Speech. 
He then went on foot to St. Paul's Church, where 
prayei's were read by the bishop, and the ceremonies 
were closed. Tokens of joy were everywhere exhibited, 
as on the day of his arrival, and at night there was a 
display of illuminations and firevv^orks. 

Under auspices thus favorable, Washington entered 
again upon the career of public life, surrounded and 
sustained by the eminent leaders, who had acted with 
him in establishing the liberties of his country, and 
cheered with the conviction of having received the 
voluntary suffrage and possessing the good wishes of 
every American citizen. Yet he was aware, that the 
task lie had undertaken was one of no coiiimon re- 
sponsibility or easy executpn. The hopes and ex- 
pectations of his countrymd!% he knew, were in pro- 



^T. 67.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 

portion to the unanimity with which they had crowned 
him with honors, and laid the burden of their public 
cares on his shoulders. A new system of government 
was to be put in action, upon which depended the 
destiny of his country, and with the good or ill suc- 
cess of which his future reputation would be identi- 
fied. 

In his inauo^ural speech, after expressing his deep 
sense of the magnitude of the trust confided to him, 
the struggles his mind had undergone in deciding to 
accept it, and a consciousness of his deficiencies, he 
added ; " In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver 
is, that it has been my faithful study to collect ray 
duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance 
by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, 
that, if in accepting this task I have been too much 
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former in- 
stances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this tran- 
scendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, 
and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as 
well as disinclination for the weighty and untried 
cares before me, my error w411 be palliated b}^ the 
motives which misled me, and its consequences be 
judged by my country with some share of the partial- 
ity in which they originated." With these sentiments, 
and with fervent supplications to the Almighty Being, 
whose guidance and overruling Providence he ac- 
knowledged in all the events of his life, he commenced 
the arduous duties of chief magistrate of the nation. 
In conformity with the rule to which he had hitherto 
adhered, he gave notice to Congress, that he should 
accept no other compensation for his services, than such 
as Avould be necessary to defray the expenses of his 
household and other charges incident to his public 
station. 

As the various departments of government under 



392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (1789. 

the new system could not be instituted, till Congress 
had passed laws for their organization and support, 
the business belonging to these departments continued 
to be transacted by the officers, who had previously 
been charged with it. Mr. Jay acted as secretary 
of foreign affairs, and General Knox as secretary of 
war. The treasury was under the control of a board 
of commissioners. The President requested from each 
of them an elaborate report, that he might become 
acquainted with the actual state of the government 
in all its foreign and domestic relations. These re- 
ports he read and condensed with his own hand, par- 
ticularly that from the treasury board, till he made 
himself master of their contents. In regard to foreign 
affairs, he pursued a still more laborious process. 
AVith pen in hand he perused from beginning to end 
the official correspondence, deposited in the public 
archives, from the date of the treaty of peace at the 
termination of the war till the time he entered 
upon the Presidency. These voluminous papers he 
abridged and studied, according to his usual practise, 
with the view of fixing in his mind every important 
point that had been discussed, as well as the history 
of what had been done. 

Among the private reasons, which had disinclined 
him to leave his retirement at Mount Yernon, were 
his growing attachment to agriculture, and his desire 
to pursue the system adopted for the cultivation of 
his farms. Since the war he had devoted himself with 
equal delight and constancy to this pursuit, and 
brought his plans into a train, which promised the 
most satisfactory results. He had procured from 
Europe the works of the best writers on the subject, 
which he read with dilig-ence and reflection, drawino^ 
from them such scientific principles and practical 
hints, as he could advantageously use in improving 



Mt. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 



his modes of agriculture. He was resolved to mature 
his designs, and in the intervals of public duties to 
bestow a part of his leisure upon that object. With 
his chief manager at Mount Yernon he left full 
and minute directions in writing, and exacted from 
him a weekly report, in which were registered the 
transactions of each day on all the farms, such as 
the number of laborers employed, their health or sick- 
ness, the kind and quantity of work executed, the 
progress in planting, sowing, or harvesting the fields, 
the appearance of the crops at various stages of their 
growth, the effects of the weather on them, and the 
condition of the horses, cattle, and other live stock. 
By these details he was made perfectly acquainted 
with all that was done, and could give his orders with 
almost as much precision as if he had been on the 
spot. 

Once a week regularly, and sometimes twice, he 
wrote to the manager, remarking on his report of the 
preceding week, and adding new directions. These 
letters frequently extended to two or three sheets, and 
were always written with his own hand. Such was 
his laborious exactness, that the letter he sent away 
was usually transcribed from a rough draft. A press 
copy was taken of the transcript, which was carefully 
filed with the manager's report for his future inspec- 
tion. In this habit he persevered with unabated dili- 
gence through the whole eight years of his Presidency, 
except during the short visits he occasionally made to 
Mount Yernon, at the close of the sessions of Congress, 
when his presence could be dispensed with at the seat 
of government. He moreover maintained a large 
correspondence on agriculture with gentlemen in Eu- 
rope and x\merica. His letters to Sir John Sinclair, 
Arthur Young, and Dr. Anderson, have been published, 
and are well known. Indeed his thoughts never seemed 



394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

to flow more freely, nor his pen to move more easily, 
than when he was writing on agriculture, extolling it 
as a most attractive pursuit, and describing the pleasure 
he derived from it and its superior claims not only on 
the practical economist, but on the statesman and phi- 
lanthropist. 

The President had not been long in !N"ew York, 
before he found it necessary to establish rules for 
receiving visitors and entertaining company. There 
being no precedent to serve as a guide, this was an 
affair of considerable delicacy and difficulty. In the 
first place, it was essential to maintain the dignity of 
the office by such forms as would inspire deference and 
respect ; and, at the same time, the nature of repub- 
lican institutions and the habits of the people required 
the chief magistrate to be accessible to every citizen 
on proper occasions and for reasonable purposes. A 
just line was therefore to be drawn between too much 
pomp and ceremony on the one hand, and an extreme 
of familiarity on the other. Regard was also to be had 
to the President's time and convenience. After a short 
experiment of leaving the matter to the discretion of 
the public, it was proved, that without some fixed rule 
he would never have an hour at his disposal. From 
breakfast till dinner his door was besieged with persons 
calling to pa}^ their respects, or to consult him on 
affairs of little moment. His sense of duty to the 
claims of his office, and to himself, convinced him that 
this practise could not be endured. The Vice-Presi- 
dent, Mr. Jay, Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and other 
gentlemen, concurred in this opinion, and by their 
advice a different mode was adopted. 

Every Tuesday, between the hours of three and four, 
he was prepared to receive such persons as chose to 
call. Foreign ministers, strangers of distinction, and 
citizens, came and went without ceremony. The hour 



^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 395 

was passed in free conversation on promiscuous topics, 
in which the President joined. Every Friday after- 
noon the rooms were opened in like manner for visits 
to Mrs. Washington, which were on a still more socia- 
ble footing, and at which General Washington was 
always present. These assemblages ^vere of the nature 
of public levees, and they did not preclude such visits 
of civility and friendship, between the President's 
family and others, as is customary in society. On 
ajffairs of business by appointment, whether wdth 
public officers or private citizens, the President was 
always ready to bestow his time and attention. He 
accepted no invitations to dinner, but invited to his 
own table foreign ministers, officers of the government, 
and strangers, in such number at once as his domestic 
establishment would accommodate. On these occasions 
there was neither ostentation nor restraint, but the 
same simplicity and ease with which his guests had 
been entertained at Mount Yernon. 

No visits were received on Sundays. In the morn- 
ins he uniformly attended church, and in the afternoon 
he retired to his private apartment. The evening was 
spent with his family, and then an intimate friend 
w^ould sometimes call, but promiscuous company was 
not admitted. 

Having laid down these general rules, which soon 
became known to the public, he found relief from a 
heavy tax upon his time, and more leisure for a faith- 
ful discharge of his duties. In the course of the sum- 
mer, however, he was seized with a violent malady, 
^yhich reduced him very low, and which for a few 
days was thought to endanger his life. He was con- 
fined six weeks to his bed, and it was more than twelve 
before his strength was restored. A constitution natu- 
rally strong, and the attendance of Dr. Bard, a physi- 
sician equally eminent for the excellence of his 



S96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

character and skill in his profession, enabled him to 
rise from an illness the most painful and trying that 
he had ever endured. From the effects of it he never 
entirel}^ recovered. 

He had hardly gained strength to go abroad, when 
he heard of the death of his mother, who died in 
August, at the age of eighty-two. Writing to his 
sister on this occasion he said : " Awful and affecting 
as the death of a parent is, there is consolation in 
knowing that Heaven has spared ours to an age beyond 
which few attain, and favored her with the full enjoy- 
ment of her mental faculties, and as much bodily 
strength as usually falls to the lot of fourscore. Under 
these considerations, and a hope that she is translated 
to a happier place, it is the duty of her relatives to 
yield due submission to the decrees of the Creator." 
A short time before he left Mount Yernon for J^ew 
York, he made a visit to his mother at Fredericksburg, 
the place of her residence. She Avas then sinking 
under a disease, which he foresaw would prove fatal ; 
and he took an affecting and final leave of her, con- 
vinced he should never see her again. She had been a 
widow forty-six years. Through life she was remark- 
able for vigor of mind and body, simplicity of manners, 
and uprightness of character. She must have felt a 
mother's joy at the success and renown of her son, but 
they caused no change in her deportment or style 
of living. Whenever he visited her at her dwell- 
ing, even in the height of his greatness, he literally 
returned to the scenes and domestic habits of his boy- 
hood. Neither pride nor vanity mingled with the 
feelings excited by the attentions she received as the 
mother of Washington. She listened to his praises 
and was silent, or added only that he had been a good 
son, and she believed he had done his duty as a man. 

As soon as he was established in his office, Washing- 



Mt. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 397 

ton introduced strict habits of economy into his house* 
hold, which were preserved without essential change 
to the end of his public life. The whole w^as under the 
care of a steward, to whom he gave general directions. 
All other persons connected with the establishment 
w^ere accountable to the steward, but each of them was 
required to keep an exact record of the purchases and 
expenditures made by him, specifying every particular. 
These accounts, with tradesmen's bills and other 
Touchers, were presented once a week to "Washington, 
who inspected them minutely, and certified with his 
own signature that they were approved. By this 
method he was enabled to ascertain at any moment 
the precise state of his pecuniary affairs, and to guard 
against extravagance and waste. He might say with 
Seneca : " I keep an account of my expenses ; I cannot 
affirm that I lose nothing, but I can tell you what I 
lose, and why, and in what manner." The salary of 
the President, as fixed by law, was twenty-five thou- 
sand dollars a 3^ear. But with the most rigid econom}'', 
his expenses w^ere seklom within this limit, and he was 
of course obliged to draw on his private fortune to 
make up the deficiency. 

Congress continued in session till near the end of 
September, when they adjourned for three months. 
They had been mostly occupied in passing laws for the 
organization of the government, the administration of 
justice, and the raising of a revenue. Mercantile regu- 
lations were established, imposing duties on tonnage 
and imported goods. Amendments to the constitution 
were framed, and recommended to the States for 
adoption. Three executive departments were formed, 
at the head of each of which was to be a secretary, 
namely, the department of foreign affairs, of the 
treasury, and of war. The first was afterwards called 
the department of state, and included both foreign and 



398 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.- 

domestic affairs. So large a portion of the administra- 
tion of government is effected by the executives of the 
several States, that a separate department for internal 
affairs was not thought necessary. The navy too was 
at this time so small, as not to require a distinct 
department. It was mainly in the charge of the 
secretary of war. 



JET. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 



CHAPTER XXXY. 

Officers of the Executive Departments appointed.— Judiciary System organ- 
ized. — His Rule in Appointments to Ofiice.— His Journey tlirough tlie East- 
ern States. — System of Funding tlie i*ublic Debts.— Place for the permanent 
Seat of Government agreed upon. 

The requisite laws being passed, it next devolved on 
the President to select proper persons to fill the several 
offices. In regard to the executive departments, this 
was of very great importance, inasmuch as the secre- 
taries were not only to discharge the duties assigned 
to them by the constitution and law^s, but were to be 
his cabinet, or council of state. On the wisdom of his 
choice, therefore, would in a great degree depend the 
character and success of his ad.rainistration. So much 
time had elapsed in the session of congress, that he 
had been able to take a full survey of the subject, and 
to decide with deliberation. 

Long experience in public affairs, a high political 
standing, and acknowledged talents, pointed out 
Thomas Jefferson as eminently qualified for the state de- 
partment. He was about to return from France, w^here 
he had filled the office of minister plenipotentiary, as 
successor to Dr. Franklin, with much credit to himself 
and his country. Alexander Hamilton was appointed 
to the head of the treasury. His transcendent abilities, 
integrity, firmness, and patriotism were well known to 
"Washington, after a thorough trial and familiar ac- 
quaintance in the Revolution ; and they were scarcely 
less known or less appreciated by his countrymen at 
large. In the convention, Hamilton disapproved and 
opposed some of the principal articles of the constitu- 



400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

tion ; and the more praise is due to him, that, after it 
was candied by a majority, and was proved to be the 
best that could be hoped for in the circumstances of 
the times, he gave up his predilections, joined heartily 
with its friends, and put into their scale the whole 
weight of his great powers of eloquence and argument, 
both in debate and by the use of his pen. Henry Knox 
was continued secretary of war, which station he had 
held under the confederation. As an officer, a man, 
and a friend, he was esteemed by Washington ; and 
his steady principles and public services had gained for 
him a general confidence. The post of attorney-gen- 
eral was conferred on Edmund Eandolph, a gentleman 
distinguished by success in his profession at the bar, 
and by having been governor of Virginia, and a con- 
spicuous member of the convention that framed the 
constitution. Such were the heads of the executive 
departments, and such the composition of the council, 
on which the President was mainly to rely for advice 
and support. 

No part of the President's duties gave him more 
anxiety, than that of distributing the offices in his 
gift. Applications innumerable flowed in upon him 
even before he left Mount Yernon, many of them from 
his personal friends, and others supported by the rec- 
ommendations of his friends ; nor did they cease as 
long as any vacancies remained. lie early prescribed 
to himself a rule, however, from which he never swerved, 
which w^as to give no pledges or encouragement to any 
applicant. He answered them all civilly, but avowed 
his determination to suspend a decision till the time of 
making the appointments should arrive, and then, 
without favor or bias, to select such individuals as in 
his judgment were best qualified to execute with faith- 
fulness and ability the trust reposed in them. His 
sentiments and motives are well explained in a letter 



.^T. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 

written to a gentleman, who bad solicited an office for 
another person. 

" From the moment when the necessity had become 
more apparent," said he, " and as it were inevitable, I 
anticipated, with a heart filled with distress, the ten 
thousand embarrassments, perplexities, and troubles, to 
which I must again be exposed in the evening of a life 
already nearly consumed in public cares. Among all 
these anxieties, 1 will not conceal from you, I antici- 
pated, none greater, than those that were likely to be 
produced by applications for appointments to the dif- 
ferent offices, which Avoiild be created under the new 
government. ISTor will I conceal, that my apprehen- 
sions have already been but too well justified. Scarce- 
ly a day passes, in which applications of one kind 
or another do not arrive ; insomuch that, had I not 
early adopted some general principles, I should before 
this time have been wholly occupied in this business. 
As it is, I have found the number of answers, which I 
have been necessitated to give in my own hand, an 
almost insupportable burden to me. 

" The points in which all these answers have agreed 
in substance are, that, should it be my lot to go again 
into public oliice, I would go w^ithout being under any 
possible engagements of any nature whatsoever ; that, 
so far as I knew my own heart, I would not be in the 
remotest degree influenced, in making nominations, by 
motives arising from the ties of family or blood ; and 
that, on the other hand, three things, in my opinion, 
ought principally to be regarded, namely, the fitness of 
characters to fill offices, the comparative claims from 
the former merits and sufferings in service of the dif- 
ferent candidates, and the distribution of appointments 
in as equal a proportion as might be to persons be- 
longing to the different States in the Union. Without 
precautions of this kind, I clearly foresaw the endless 



402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

jealousies, and possibly the fatal consequences, to which 
a government, depending altogether on the good- will 
of the people for its establishment, would certainly be 
exposed in its early stages. Besides, I thought, what- 
ever the effect might be in pleasing or displeasing any 
individuals at the present moment, a due concern for 
my own reputation, not less decisively than a sacred 
regard to the interests of the community, required, that 
I should hold myself absolutely at liberty to act, while 
in office, with a sole reference to justice and the public 
good." 

. In practise he verified these declarations, acting in 
every case with perfect independence, looking first to 
the national interests, and next to the best means of 
promoting them, and admitting no other ground of 
preference between candidates, whose ])retensions were 
in other respects equal, than that of former efforts or 
sacrifices in serving their country. 

For some time it had been the President's intention 
in the recess of Congress to make a tour through the 
eastern States, as well for the re-establishment of his 
health, as for observing the condition of the people, 
and the general disposition in regard to the new form 
of government. lie anticipated pleasure also in re- 
viewing the scenes of his first militar}^ campaign as 
Commander-in-chief, and in meeting the associates who 
had contributed to lessen his toils and invigorate his 
spirit in times of peril and despondency. About the 
middle of October he left Kew York, accompanied by 
his two secretaries, Mr. Lear and Mr. Jackson, and he 
was absent a month. He traveled in his own carriage 
and proceeded by way of New Haven, Hartford, 
"Worcester, Boston, Salem, and Newburyport, as far as 
Portsmouth in Kew Hampshire. He returned by a 
different route through the interior of the country to 
Hartford, and thence to New York. 



^T. 57.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 403 

Such was the enthusiasm which was now felt by all 
classes of the community in regard to Washington, an 
enthusiasm inspired by his virtues and his fame, that 
it was impossible for him to move in any direction 
without drawing around him thousands of spectators, 
eager to gratify their eyes with a sight of his person, 
to greet him with acclamations of joy, and to exhibit 
testimonies of their respect and veneration. Men, 
women, and children, people of all ranks, ages, and oc- 
cupations, assembled from far and near at the crossings 
of the roads and other public places, where it was 
known he would pass. Military escorts attended him 
on the way, and at the principal towns he was received 
and entertained by the civil authorities. Addresses 
were as usual presented to him by corporate bodies, 
religious societies, and literary institutions, to which he 
returned appropriate answers. 

This journey was in all respects satisfactory to him, 
not more as furnishing proofs of the strong attachment 
of the people, than as convincing him of the growing 
prosperity of the country, and of the favor which the 
constitution and the administration of government 
were gaining in the public mind. He Avas happy to 
see, that the effects of the war had almost disappeared, 
that agriculture was pursued with activity, that the 
harvests were abundant, manufactures increasing, the 
towns flourishing, and commerce becoming daily more 
extended and profitable. The condition of society, 
the progress of improvements, the success of industri- 
ous enterprise, all gave tokens of order, peace, and 
contentment, and a most cheering promise for the 
future. 

The time for the adjournment of Congress having 
expired, the two houses reassembled in the first week 
of January. The President met them in the senate- 
chamber, and delivered bis speech at the opening of tha 



404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

session. Such was the custom during Washington's 
administration; but it was afterwards changed, and 
the President communicated with Congress only by 
written message. This was likewise Washington's 
practise, except at the beginning of the session, when 
he addressed the two houses in person. These ad- 
dresses were called speeches^ and other communications 
were designated as messages. At this time, after con- 
gratulating Congress on the prosperous condition of 
the country, and the favor with which their previous 
doings had been received, he recommended several sub- 
jects as claiming their attention, particularly a provi- 
sion for the common defense; laws for naturalizing 
foreigners ; a uniformity in the currency, weights, and 
measures; the encouragement of agriculture, com- 
merce, and manufactures ; the promotion of science 
and literature ; and an effective system for the support 
of public credit. 

To the difficulties involved in this last subject may 
indeed be traced the primary causes of the constitution 
and it had already attracted the notice of the national 
legislature. The former session had necessarily been 
consumed in framing laws for putting the new govern- 
ment in operation ; but, a few days before its close, a 
resolution was passed by the House of Eepresentatives, 
in which it w^as declared that an adequate provision 
for the support of public credit was essential to the 
national honor and prosperity, and the Secretary of 
the Treasury was directed to prepare a plan for the 
purpose, and report it to the House at the next ses- 
sion. The national debt had its origin chiefly in the 
devolution. It was of two kinds, foreign and domes- 
tic. The foreign debt amounted to nearly twelve mil- 
lions of dollars, and was due to France, the Holland- 
ers, and a very small part to Spain. The domestic debt, 
due to individuals in the United States for loans to the 



^T. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 405 

government and supplies furnished to the array, was 
about forty-two millions. These debts had been con- 
tracted by Congress, and were acknowledged to be a 
national charge. There was another description of 
debts, amounting by estimate to about twent\^-five 
millions of dollars, which rested on a different footing. 
The States individually had constructed works of de- 
fense within their respective limits, advanced pay and 
bounties to Continental troops and militia, and sup- 
plied provisions, clothing, and munitions of war. The 
Secretary proposed, that all the domestic debts, includ- 
ing those of the particular States, should be funded, 
and that the nation should become responsible for their 
payment to the full amount. 

The report was able, perspicuous, and comprehensive, 
embracing a complete view of the subject, and contain- 
ing arguments of great cogency in support of the plan 
suggested. As to the foreign debt, there was no 
question in the mind of any one, that it ought to be 
discharged according to the strict letter of the con- 
tracts, but in regard to the domestic debts a difference 
of opinion prevailed. The secretary endeavored to 
prove, that no distinction should be admitted, that the 
expenditures had all been made for national objects, 
and that in equity the public faith was solemnly 
pledged for their reimbursement. The obligation was 
increased by their being " the price of liberty," without 
which the nation itself could never have attained an in- 
dependent existence. He argued that the policy of the 
measure was not less obvious than its justice, that 
public credit was essential to the support of government 
under any form, and that this could be maintained only 
by good faith in all transactions, and by honorably 
fulfilling engagements. AVho would confide in a gov- 
ernment, that had refused to pay its debts, or respect a 
nation that had shown a disregard to the principles^ 



406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 

which constitute the cement of every well ordered 
community ? 

When the report was considered in Congress, it gave 
rise to warm and practical debates. The opponents of 
the secretary's plan were not without plausible reasons. 
As to the debt contracted by Congress, it was said 
that the usual maxims could not properly be applied. 
The evidences of this debt consisted in a paper currency 
and certificates, which, as there was no gold or silver, 
the creditors were from the necessity of the case 
obliged to take. This paper had in most cases passed 
through many hands, and was immensely depreciated 
below its normal value. The original creditors, there- 
fore, and the subsequent holders, had lost in proportion 
to the scale of depreciation. Hence the proposal to 
assume the whole debt, as it stood on the face of the 
paper, and pay it to the present holders, was said to 
be inequitable, inasmuch as these had purchased 
it at the depreciated value, and had no claim to 
be remunerated for the losses of the previous hold- 
ers. 

Mr. Madison proposed a discrimination, by which 
the purchaser should be paid a certain portion, and the 
original holders the remainder. This was objected to 
as unjust and impracticable. By the form and tenor 
of the certificates, the debt was made payable to the 
original creditor or bearer. On these terms they had 
been sold, and the sellers had relinquished all their 
claims to the purchasers for what was deemed an 
equivalent. When the transfers were made, it was 
understood by both parties to be on this principle, and 
the purchaser took the risk of eventual payment. It 
was clear, also, that it would be impossible to make 
the discrimination, except to a limited extent and in a 
partial manner, since "the numerous transfers of the 
original creditors could not be ascertained and ex- 



^T. 58.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 407 

amined ; and even at best no provision was offered for 
the losses of the intermediate holders by the gradual 
depreciation. After a long debate in the House of 
Representatives this scheme was rejected. 

Next came up the State debts ; and the proposition 
to assume them created still greater divisions and heats 
in Congress, and much excitement abroad. It brought 
into action all the local prejudices and high-toned 
doctrines of State rights and State sovereignty, which 
had been so heavy a stumbling-block in the way of 
union and concord from the beginning of the Revolu- 
tion. The debts of the respective States were very 
unequal in amount. This led to an investigation of tho 
services rendered by each, and to invidious comparisons. 
The project was opposed as unconstitutional and unjust. 
Congress, it was said, had no power to take this burden 
upon the nation. Such an assumption of power was 
moreover an encroachment upon the sovereignty of the 
States, tending to diminish their importance, and lead 
to a consolidation destructive of the republican system. 
Each State was responsible for the debts it had con- 
tracted, and there was no reason for taxing those 
States, which owed little, to pa}^ a portion of the large 
debt of others. 

It was argued in reply, that, as the expenditures had 
all been for the common cause of the nation, they came 
strictly within the legitimate control of Congress ; and 
also, as the constitution had transferred to the national 
legislature the entire power of raising fuods from 
duties on imports and the sales of public lands, the 
principal sources of revenue, it was just that the debts 
should be paid out of these funds. The States could 
pay them only by excise duties, or direct taxes, which 
would be odious to the jDCople and difficult to collect. 
In any event there must be long delays, and much un- 
certainty as to the result. The creditors had a right 



i08 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 

to claim more prompt payment, and better securitj 
from the nation. 

At last the secretary's plan for funding all the do- 
mestic debts was carried by a small majority in both 
houses of Congress. In regard to the State debts, 
however, the original proposition was modified. The 
specific sum of twenty-one millions and a half of dol- 
lars was assumed, and apportioned among the States 
in a proximate ratio to the amount of the debts of 
each. An act was passed by which the whole of the 
domestic debt became a loan to the nation. It was 
made redeemable at various times, and at various rates 
of interest. 

One of the principal arguments for funding the debt, 
in addition to that of its equity, was the advantage 
that would be derived from it as an active capital for 
immediate use. Sustained by the credit of the nation, 
bearing interest and redeemable at certain times, the 
paper securities of the government would have a per- 
manent value in the market, and thus be a spur to en- 
terprise, and increase the prosperity of the country in 
its agriculture, manufactures and commerce. All that 
was anticipated from the funding system, in these re- 
spects, was realized. Politically considered, however, 
it had an unhappy influence. It widened the breach 
of parties, produced irritations, and excited animosities. 
]S[or v^as it to be expected that the adversaries of the 
plan, and these a large minority, would readily change 
their opinion after the strenuous opposition they had 
shown, or cease from their hostility. The President 
expressed no sentiments on the subject while it was 
under debate in Congress, but he approved the act for 
funding the public debt, and was undoubtedly, from 
conviction, a decided friend to the measure. 

Another important point, upon which Congress 
under the old Confederation bad been for a long time 



^Et. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 409 

divided, was settled in the course of this session. Local 
interests, and other considerations, made it diiBcult to 
agree on the place for the permanent seat of govern- 
ment. It was at length determined, that it should be 
removed for ten years to Philadelphia, and then be 
established at some place on the Potomac River. Ulti- 
mately the position was selected, Avhich has since been 
called the District of Columbia ; and the territory was 
surveyed, the citj^ planned, and the public buildings 
commenced under the direction of Washington, this 
duty devolving on him as President. For three or four 
years it occupied a great deal of his attention ; and, in 
compliance with the laws, he appointed commissioners 
for managing the business, with whom he carried on a 
voluminous correspondence, giving personal directions, 
and requiring exact accounts of all proceedings. 



4:10 UFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790. 



CHAPTEK XXXYL 

The Prssident visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon.— Foreign Relations of 
the United States. — France, England, Spain.— Indian War.— Washington's 
Policy respecting the Indians.— Congress meets at Philadelphia.— A National 
Bank established. — Tax on distilled Spirits.— The President's Tour through 
the Southern States. — Apportionment Bill. 

Rhode Island having adopted the constitution, and 
acceded to the Union, the President made a visit to 
that State immediately after the session of Congress. 
In his eastern tour he had avoided going to Rhode 
Island, because it had not then joined the Union under 
the new government. 

Another severe disease, and constant application to 
business, had much impaired his health ; and he deter, 
mined to take advantage of the recess of Congress, 
throw off for a brief space the burden of public cares, 
and seek repose and recreation in his own quiet home 
at Mount Yernon. He always returned to that spot 
with delight ; and it was now doubly dear to him, as 
it promised rest from labor, refreshment to his weary 
spirit and debilitated body, and a few days of leisure 
to ride over his farms, view his gardens, orchards, and 
fields, and observe the progress of his agricultural 
operations. 

The foreign relations of the United States, at the 
beginning of the new government, though not com- 
plicated, were nevertheless in an unsettled condition. 
With France there was a good understanding, the 
treaties of alliance and commerce having been scrupu- 
lously fulfilled on both sides. The revolutionary 
disorders, however, soon broke out, and produced 
disagreements, alienation, and trouble. 



Ml, 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 411 

"With Morocco a sort of informal treaty existed, and 
"Washington wrote two letters to the Emperor, who 
had received American vessels into his ports, and 
promised his aid to conciliate the Barbary powers. 
This promise was unavailing. The Algerines had 
seized vessels belonging to citizens of the United 
States, and held the officers and sailors in bondage 
for several years. 

The government stood in a more delicate relation to 
England, than to any other power. The old feuds and 
bitter feelings of the war subsided slowl}^ All attempts 
to bring about a treaty of commerce between the two 
countries had failed. The British cabinet, probably dis- 
trusting the stability of the Union under the old Con- 
federation had shown no disposition to enter into a 
treaty of this sort, and had never sent a minister to the 
United States. The military posts on the frontiers had 
not been given up, as was stipulated in the treaty of 
peace. The reason assigned, that some of the States 
had refused to pay the debts due to British subjects, 
which they were likewise bound to do by the treaty, 
was plausible, and perhaps well founded. Congress 
had but a limited power to enforce a compliance with 
treaties ; and it was natural in such a case, that other 
nations should be tardy in making them. This state 
of things being altered by the constitution, President 
Washington thought it desirable to ascertain the 
views and intentions of the British government, in 
regard to complying with the treaty of peace, and to 
future intercourse. To attain this end he commissioned 
Gouverneur Morris as a private agent to hold conver- 
sations with the British ministers, deeming it of great 
importance, as he said, that errors should be avoided 
in the system of policy respecting Great Britain. 

Affairs with Spain were yet more unpromising. 
At the outset of the Kevolution, his Catholic Majesty, 



4l0 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1700. 

yielding to the solicitations of France, seemed to abet 
the American cause ; but he soon changed his mind, 
refused to join with France in acknowledging the in- 
dependence of the United States, even when he declared 
war against England, and gave his sanction to the 
treaty of peace with no good will. He feared the 
effect, and not without reason, which t^he example of 
the northern republicans might have upon his colonies 
in South America. A negotiation had been going on, 
tedious as it was unprofitable, down to the time of 
Washington's election to the Presidency, but no ap- 
parent progress had been made. The Floridas and 
Louisiana belonged to Spain. The navigation of the 
Mississippi was the great point of controversy. This 
was essential to the settlers in the West, and was be- 
coming every day more and more so on account of the 
rapid increase of the population. Spain persisted in 
withholding all rights and privileges in that navigation 
from citizens of the United States. There were various 
grounds of policy for this refusal, but probably the 
most operative was a secret hope, that the western in- 
habitants, weary of these obstacles to their commerce, 
and dissatisfied with the national government for not 
removing them, might sooner or later dissever them- 
selves from the Union, and form a separate republic, 
which would easily fall under the control of Spain. 

Other circumstances, growing out of the relations 
with England and Spain, were extremely injurious to 
the interests of the country. During the war, the 
Indians on the borders of the United States had al- 
most everywhere been allied with the enemy. When 
peace came, it found them in the attitude of hostility, 
their savage spirit roused, and their vindictive tem- 
pers eager for slaughter and revenge ; and the United 
States were left to appease and conciliate them as 
they could. In any case this would have been an 



^T. 59.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 413 

arduous task, but the difficulty was soon perceived to 
be increased by a foreign influence, keeping alive their 
enmity, and stimulating them to acts of outrage, 
British agents and traders on the northern frontier 
furnished the Indians with arms, ammunition, and 
clothing. In Florida the Spaniards tampered with the 
Creeks and other Southern Indians, and kept them at 
variance with their white neighbors. These acts were 
not acknowledged, possibly not authorized, by the 
English and Spanish governments, but they were cer- 
tainly not restrained, and they were repeated long 
after full representations had been made. 

The effect was a protracted and expensive war. 
Washington's policy in regard to the Indians was al- 
ways pacific and huinane. He considered them as 
children, who should be treated with tenderness and 
forbearance. He aimed to conciliate them by good 
usage, to obtain their lands by fair purchase and punc- 
tual payments, to make treaties with them on terms 
of equity and reciprocal advantage, and strictly to re- 
deem every pledge. In these respects he looked upon 
the Indian tribes as holding the same rank and the 
same rights as civilized nations. Bat their faithless- 
ness, ravages, and murders were not to be tolerated, 
from whatever causes they arose. After failing in 
every attempt at a pacification, he was convinced that 
war was the only alternative. It continued four or 
five 3'ears, with many vicissitudes of misfortune and 
disaster, the defeats of Harraar and St. Clair, unsuc- 
cessful campaigns, and much waste of blood and treas- 
ure, till General Wayne put an end to it, first by a 
battle, and then by a treaty of peace. ' This war lasted 
through a large part of Washington's administration. 
It was a source of regret and pain to him, on account 
both of its cause, the necessity of subduing by force 
the turbulence of an ignoraiit and deluded race of men, 



414 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1791. 

and of the heavy charge it imposed on the nation for 
maintaining an army. 

Congress commenced their third session at Phila- 
delphia, and the President returned from Mount Ver- 
non to that city, where he afterwards resided till the 
term of his office expired. The debates of this session 
were scarcely less vehement, or less deeply tinged with 
party antipathies, than those of the preceding. Two 
important measures were brought forward, discussed, 
and adopted; a national bank, and a tax on ardent 
spirits distilled in the United States. 

The President had fixed on the next recess of 
Congress for a tour through the southern States. 
He set off about the middle of March, and was gone 
three months, performing in that time a journey of 
eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles with the 
same horses. His route was through Richmond, Wil- 
mington, and Charleston, as far as Savannah ; whence 
he returned by way of Augusta, Columbia, and the in- 
terior of North Carolina and Yirginia. Before leaving 
home, he had ascertained with great accuracy the dis- 
tances between one place and another, settled the 
precise day upon which he should arrive at each, and 
the length of time he should stop. Not a single acci- 
dent occurred ; and with such exactness and method 
had his calculations been made, that his original plan 
was executed in every particular, except that he stayed 
one day more in one place than he intended, and one 
day less in another. He every^vhere received the same 
proofs of respect and attachment, which had been 
manifested in his travels through the middle and east- 
ern States. 

The principal laws passed at the next session were 
those for apportioning the representatives, establishing 
a uniform militia system, and increasing the army. 
The constitution had prescribed that the representav 



JLt. 59.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 415 

lives in the national legislature should be apportioned 
among the several States according to the respective 
numbers of their population, but that the whole num- 
ber of representatives should not exceed one for every 
thirty thousand. When the new apportionment bill was 
proposed, it was found that no ratio could be chosen 
which would not leave large fractions to some of the 
States. For instance, if thirty thousand were taken as 
the ratio, there would be an unrepresented surplus of 
fifteen or twenty thousand, more or less, in some of the 
States. To remedy this imperfection, a bill was intro- 
duced and passed, which fixed the ratio at thirty 
thousand. The total population was divided by this 
ratio, w^hich gave one hundred and twenty as the 
w^hole number of representatives. But this included 
the sum of all the fractions ; and, after apportioning 
to each State one representative for every thirty thou- 
sand, the residuary members, to make the whole 
number of one hundred and twenty, were distributed 
among the States in which the fractions were the 
largest. The President decided that this bill did not 
conform to the constitution, it being obvious that the 
ratio was meant to apply to the States individually, 
and not to the aggregate amount of population in 
them all. He therefore returned the bill to Congress, 
with his reasons for not affixing his signature. A new 
bill was then framed and approved, fixing the ratio at 
thirty-three thousand, and throwing out the fractions. 



416 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 



CHAPTEE XXXYII. 

Washington is elected President for a Second Term. — Takes the Oath of Office 
—Relations between the United States and France. — Opinions of the Cabi- 
net. — Proclamations of Neutrality. — Party Divisions and Excitements. — 
Genet received as Minister from France.— His extraordinary Conduct. — 
Meeting of Congress. — The President recommends Measures of Defense. — • 
Commercial Affairs.— Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. — Mr. Jay 
appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with England.— Mili- 
tary Preparations. 

When the President's terra of office, as prescribed 
by the Constitution, was drawing to a close, no little 
anxiety w^as felt and expressed as to his willingness 
again to receive the suffrages of the people. The 
reluctance with which he had consented to the first 
election was so great that it was feared he could not 
be prevailed upon to remain longer in public life. From 
his friends in different parts of the country he received 
early communications on the subject, urging him not 
to decide hastily, and, if possible, to reconcile himself 
to a second election. Three members of the cabinet, 
Jefferson, Hamilton, and Handolph, each wrote to him 
a long letter, containing reasons why it was of the 
utmost importance to his own reputation and to the 
public interests, that, for the present at least, he should 
not retire. 

Each of these gentlemen drew a picture of the con- 
dition of the country, its future prospects, and the state 
of parties ; and, although they differed radically con- 
cerning some of the principal measures of the adminis- 
tration, they agreed in opinion, that the character, 
influence, and steady hand of Washington were neces- 
sary to secure the stability of government, if not to 
preserve the nation from anarchy. 



^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 417 

These sentiments, uttered by his confidential advis- 
ers, whose political opinions he knew were at variance 
with each other, could not fail to make a deep impres- 
sion, and the more so as they were reiterated from 
every quarter. He seems to have resolved at one time 
to follow his inclination, and retire at the end of his 
first term of service. This is evident from his having 
prepared a farewell address to the people, designed for 
the occasion of his taking leave of them. But he 
never made a public declaration to that effect, and he 
was finally chosen for a second period of four years 
by the unanimous vote of the electors. On the 4:tli of 
March, 1793, he took the oath of office in the senate- 
chamber, in presence of the members of the cabinet, 
various public officers, foreign ministers, and such 
other persons as could be accommodated. 

In addition to the Indian war, the contests of parties, 
and other internal troubles with w^hich the administra- 
tion was embarrassed, the foreign relations of the United 
States were every day becoming peculiarly delicate and 
inauspicious. Scarcely had the President entered upon 
his new term of office, when the intelligence was 
received that France had declared war against England 
and Holland. The French revolution, in its earliest 
stages, was hailed by almost ever}^ one in the United 
States as a joyful event, and as affording a presage of 
the happiest results to the cause of freedom and the 
welfare of mankind. Such would naturally be the first 
impulse of a people who had recently been engaged in 
a similar struggle, encouraged by the good wishes and 
strengthened by the assistance of the French nation. 
Yv'ashington partook of this general sentiment. 

Gouverneur Morris had been sent to France as 
minister plenipotentiary from the United States. A 
friendly intercourse had been kept up between the two 
countries, on the basis of the treaties of alliance and 



418 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798, 

commerce ; but, after the downfall of the King, and 
amidst the distractions succeeding that event, the 
minister's situation was embarrassing. It was the 
opinion of Washington, in which his cabinet agreed 
with him, that every nation had aright to govern itself 
as it chose, and that other nations were bound to 
recognize and respect the existing authority, whatever 
form it might assume. Mr. Morris Vv^as furnished with 
instructions according to this view of the subject. But 
the diiRculty for a time consisted in ascertaining 
whether there was any actual government resting on 
the will of the nation. His prudence in this respect, 
and his caution not to commit his country rashly, gave 
umbrage to the nominal rulers, or rather the leaders of 
the contending factions, who complained and expressed 
dissatisfaction, that the United States manifested so 
little sympathy with their earliest friends and allies, 
the vindicators of liberty and the rights of man. Such 
was the state of things when war was declared against 
England. 

It was perceived, that this aspect of affairs would 
have a direct influence on the foreign relations of the 
United States, and that it would require the greatest 
circumspection to prevent the country from being em- 
broiled with the belligerent powers, particularly Eng- 
land and France. When the President first heard the 
news of the declaration of war, he Avas at Mount 
Yernon ; and he wrote immediately to the Secretary 
of State, avowing his determination to maintain a strict 
neutrality between the hostile parties. Vessels in the 
ports of the United States were understood to be 
already designated as privateers, and he desired that 
measures to put a stop to all such proceedings should 
be adopted without delay. 

On his return to Philadelphia, he summoned a meet- 
ing of the cabinet, submitting to each member at the 



Mr, 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 419 

same time a series of questions, which he requested 
might be considered as preparatory to the meeting. 
The substance of these questions was, whether a proc- 
lamation of neutrality should be issued ; whether a 
minister from the French republic should be received, 
and, if so, whether it should be absolutely or with 
qualifications; whether, in the present condition of 
France, the United States were bound by good faith 
to execute the treaties between the two nations, or 
whether these ought to be suspended till the govern- 
ment should be established ; and whether the guarantee 
in the treaty of alliance was applicable to a defensive 
war only, or to a war either defensive or offensive. 
These points envolved very important considerations. 
If the treaty was binding in the case of an offensive 
war, then a state of neutrality could not be assumed 
in regard to France ; and, if it was applicable to a de- 
fensive war only, the intricate question was still to be 
settled, whether the war on the part of the French was 
offensive or defensive, or of a mixed and equivocal 
character, and how far the guarantee ought to be 
applied under such circumstances. 

The cabinet decided unanimously, that a proclama- 
tion should be issued, " forbidding the citizens of the 
United States to take part in any hostilities on the seas, 
either with or against the belligerent powers, and 
warning them against carrying to any such powers 
any of those articles deemed contraband according to 
the modern usages of nations, and enjoining them from 
all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of 
a friendly nation towards those at war." It was also 
agreed, with the same unanimity, that a minister from 
the French republic should be received. On the sub- 
ject of qualifying his reception, the members of the 
cabinet were divided in opinion, Jefferson and Ran- 
dolph being opposed to any qualification implying that 



420 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793. 

the relations between the two countries were changed, 
and Hamilton and Knox being in favor of it, because 
they believed there was in reality no fixed government 
in France, and they feared that a recognition of the 
existing authority might involve the United States in 
difficulties with that nation and with other powers. 

The proclamation of neutrality was signed on the 
22d April, and immediately published. This measure, 
in regard both to its character and its consequences, 
was one of the most important of Washington's ad- 
ministrations. It was the basis of a system, by which 
the intercourse with foreign nations Avas regulated, 
and which was rigidly adhered to. In fact it was the 
only step, that could have saved the United States 
from being drawn into the vortex of the European 
w^ars, which raged with so much violence for a long 
time afterwards. Its wisdom and its good effects are 
now so obvious, on a calm review of past events, that 
one is astonished at the opposition it met with, and the 
strifes it kindled, even after making due allowance for 
the passions and prejudices, which had hitherto been 
at work in producing discord and divisions. 

Washington for a time was allowed to keep aloof 
from the contest. His character, revered by the 
people, shielded by their affections, and equally above 
reproach and suspicion, was too elevated a mark for 
the shafts of malevolence. Eut a crisis had now ar- 
rived, when the sacredness of virtue, and the services 
of a life spent in promoting the public weal, could no 
longer secure him from the assaults of party animosity. 
The enemies of the administration perceived, that the 
attempt to execute their plans Avould be vain, unless 
they could first weaken his influence by diminishing 
his popularity. The task was hard and repelling ; 
and it may reasonably be presumed, that a supposed 
political necessity, rather than cordial good will, led 



JET. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 421 

them to engage in so ungrateful a work. It was pur- 
sued with a perseverance, and sometimes with an 
acrimony, for which the best of causes could hardly 
afford an apology ; but, however much it might disturb 
his repose or embarrass his public measures, it could 
neither shake his firmness, nor turn him from his steady 
purpose of sacrificing every other consideration to the 
interests of his country. 

In the midst of these ferments, M. Genet came to 
the United States as minister from the French repub- 
lic. He landed at Charleston, in South Carolina, and 
traveled thence through the country to Philadelphia. 
He was received everywhere with such enthusiasm and 
extravagant marks of attention, as to deceive him into 
a belief that the great body of the American people 
heartily espoused the cause of the French revolution, 
and was ready to join the citizens of the new republic in 
carrying the banner of liberty and equality to the ends 
of the earth. Being of an ardent temperament, and 
emboldened by these indications, the citizen minister, 
as he was called, at once commenced a career, as 
unjustifiable as it was extraordinary. Even before he 
left Charleston he gave orders for fitting out and arm- 
ing vessels in that port to cruise as privateers, and 
commit hostilities on the commerce of nations at peace 
with the United States. ITotwithstanding this act of 
presumption and rashness, which was known before he 
reached Philadelphia, he was received by the President 
with frankness, and with all the respect due to the 
representative of a foreign power. 

Genet declared that his government was strongly 
attached to the United States, and had no desire to 
engage them in the Avar ; but his secret instructions, 
which he afterwards pulDlished, were of a different 
complexion, and proved very clearly that the designs 
of his employers were contrary to the professions of 



422 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl783. 

their minister. Indeed his whole conduct, from begin- 
ning to end, could have no other tendency than to 
bring the United States into an immediate conflict 
with all the powers at war with France. The priva- 
teers commissioned by him came into the American 
ports with prizes. This produced remonstrances from 
the British minister, and a demand of restitution. 
The subject accordingly came before the cabinet. 
In regard to the lawfulness of the seizures, there was 
but one opinion. It was decided that siuce every 
nation had exclusive jurisdiction within its own terri- 
tory, the act of fitting out armed vessels under the 
authority of a foreign power was an encroachment on 
national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights, 
which the government was bound to prevent. 

A declaration was accordingl}^ made that no priva- 
teers fitted out in this manner should find an asylum 
in the ports of the United States ; and the customhouse 
olficers were instructed to keep a careful watch, and 
report every vessel which contravened the laws of 
neutrality. The question of restitution involved intri- 
cate points of maritime law, and opinions on this sub- 
ject varied. It was unanimously agreed, however, 
that the original owners might justly claim indemnifi- 
cation, and that, if the property was not restored by 
the captors, the value of it ought to be paid by the 
government. 

The French minister protested against these decisions, 
became angry and violent, wrote offensive letters to 
the Secretary of State, and seemed to forget alike the 
dignity of his station and his character as a man. He 
still continued to encourage armed vessels to sail from 
American ports under the French flag. By the firm- 
ness of the executive r. check^vacputto this effrontery. 
Measures were taken to prevent by force the departure 
of such vessels. The madness of the minister was 



^T. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 423 

increased by the obstacles he encountered. Finding 
himself baffled in all his schemes, he resorted to 
menaces, accused the President of having usurped the 
powers of Congress, and more than insinuated that he 
would appeal to the people for redress. This insult, 
aggravated by his previous conduct, could neither be 
tolerated nor passed over in silence. It was obvious, 
indeed, that nothing could be hoped from any further 
intercourse with so wrongheaded a man. A statement 
of the particulars was drawn up, and forwarded to the 
French government, with a request that he might be 
recalled. A more remarkable chapter can hardly be 
found in the history of diplomacy than might be fur- 
nished from the records of this mission of Genet. It 
is a memorable instance of the infatuation to which a 
man of respectable talents and private character may 
be driven by political frenzy. 

AVhen Congress assembled, the state of affairs, both 
external and internal, was largely explained in the Presi- 
dent's speech, and in a separate message accompanied 
with many documents. In these were comprised the 
reasons for the course he had pursued, respecting foreign 
powers, and suggestions for additional legislative enact- 
ments to protect the rights of American citizens, and 
maintain the dignity of the country. While he sought 
peace, and urged a faithful discharge of every duty 
towards others, he recommended that prompt measures 
should be taken, not only for defense, but for enforcing 
just claims. " There is a rank due to the United States 
among nations/' said he, " which will be withheld^ if 
not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If 
we desire to avoid insultc we must be able to repel it ; 
if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful 
instruments of our prosperity, it must be known that 
we are at all times read}" for war." These communi- 
cations were well received by the two houses. Indeed 



424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 

both parties in Congress found so much to condemn in 
the conduct of the belligerent powers towards neutrals, 
that on this point they seemed for a moment to forget 
their dissensions ; and, although the proclamation of 
neutralit}^ continued to be made a theme of declamation 
and abuse by violent partisans and the presses hostile 
to the administration, it met with no marks of disap- 
probation from Congress. 

Kear the beginning of the session an important report 
was made by the Secretary of State, respecting the 
commercial intercourse of the United States with other 
nations, particularly in regard to its privileges and 
restrictions, and the means for improving commerce and 
navigation. The report was able, elaborate, and com- 
prehensive, presenting a view of the trade between the 
United States and the principal countries of Europe. 

Two methods Avere suggested by the secretary for 
modifying or removing restrictions ; first, by amicable 
arrangements with foreign powers ; secondly, by coun- 
tervailing acts of the legislature. He preferred the 
former, if it should be found practicable, and gave his 
reasons. The subject of navigation was also discussed, 
and a system of maritime defense recommended. 

Shortly after making this report, Mr. Jefferson re- 
tired from the office of Secretary of State, in conform- 
ity with an intimation he had given some months be- 
fore ; having been prevailed upon by the President, 
apparently against his own inclination, to remain till 
the end of the year. He was succeeded by Edmund 
Randolph, whose place as Attorney-General was sup- 
plied by William Bradford of Pennsylvania. 

The secretary's report gave rise to Mr. Madison's 
celebrated commercial resolutions, which were long 
debated in the House of Representatives with a degree 
of animation, and even of asperity, that had not been 
exceeded since the adoption of the funding system. 



^T. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 425 

These resolutions embraced the general principles of 
the report, but they aimed at a discrimination in the 
commercial intercourse with foreign countries, which 
was viewed in very different lights by the two parties 
in Congress. They imposed restrictions and additional 
duties on the manufactures and navigation of nations, 
which had no commercial treaties with the United 
States, and a reduction of duties on the tonnage of 
vessels belonging to nations with which such treaties 
existed. In this scheme the friends of the administra- 
tion saw, or imagined they saw, hostility to England 
and undue favor to France, neither warranted by 
policy, nor consistent with neutrality ; while the other 
party regarded it as equitable in itself, and as absolutely 
necessary to protect the commerce of the country from 
insulting aggression and plunder. Mr. Madison's plan 
was modified in its progress ; but a resolution, retaining 
the principles of commercial restrictions, finally passed 
the House of Eepresentatives. It was rejected in the 
Senate by the casting vote of the Yice-President. 

While these discussions were going on with much 
heat in Congress, a measure was resorted to by the 
President, which produced considerable effect on the 
results. Advices from the American minister in Lon- 
don rendered it probable, that the British cabinet were 
disposed to settle the differences between the two 
countries on amicable terms. At all events the indica- 
tions were such, that Washington, firm to his purpose 
of neutrality and peace, resolved to make the experi- 
ment. Accordingly, on the 16th of April, he nomi- 
nated Mr. Jay to the Senate, as an envoy extraordinary 
to the court of Great Britain. " My objects are," said 
he, in a letter to the Secretary of State, " to prevent a 
war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strono: rep- 
resentations of the injuries, which this country has 
sustained from Great Britain in various ways, to put it 



4-26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 

in a complete state of military defense, and to provide 
eventually for the execution of such measures as seem 
to be now pending in Congress, if negotiation in a rea- 
sonable time proves unsuccessful." The nomination 
was confirmed in the Senate by a majority of more 
than two to one ; but it was strenuously opposed by 
the principal members of the democratic party, par- 
ticularly Mr. Monroe, and was disapproved by the same 
party in the House of Representatives. 

As a war seemed inevitable, if Mr. Jay's mission 
should terminate unfavorably, Congress passed acts for 
putting the country in a state of defense. The princi- 
pal harbors were to be fortified, and eighty thousand 
militia to be held in readiness for immediate service. 
The importation of arms was permitted free of duty, 
and the President was authorized to purchase gal- 
leys, and lay an embargo, if he should think the 
public interests required it. Additional taxes were 
levied to meet the expense. 

Congress adjourned, after a long and boisterous ses- 
sion, which had contributed not a little to increase the 
acrimony of parties, multiply the causes of dissension, 
and inflame the minds of the people. The administra- 
tion, however, stood firm ; and neither the policy nor 
the opinions of Washington were in any degree changed. 
In fact, having no personal objects to gain, thinking 
and acting only for his country, divested of partiality 
and prejudice as far as it was possible for any man to 
be, and invariably taking counsel of his conscience and 
judgment, he stood aloof from the commotions of party 
and the contagious influence of party spirit. Justice 
to all nations, peace with all, and a preparation for 
war as the best safeguard of peace, were the rules of 
his policy, and his constant ainu 



^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 427 



CHAPTER XXXYHI. 

Insurrection in Pennsylvania.— Measures adopted by the President for supj- 
pressing it.— Plan for redeeming the Public Debt.— The British Treaty rati- 
fied by the Senate. — Popular Excitement respecting it.— The Treaty con- 
firmed by the Signature of the President.— Resignation of Mr, Randolph.— 
Circumstances attending it. 

In the course of the preceding winter, M. Fauchet 
arrived in the United States as minister from France. 
At the request of the French government, Mr. Morris 
was recalled, and James Monroe was appointed as his 
successor. This selection afforded a strong proof of 
the impartiality of the President, and of his ardent 
desire to conciliate differences at home, and preserve 
amity with foreign nations. Mr. Monroe, being a leader 
among the opponents to the administration, had shown 
himself a zealous advocate for France. 

Soon after Congress adjourned, the President's at- 
tention was called to another subject, of very serious 
import, both as it regarded the authority of the laws, 
and the stability of the Union. The act of Congress 
imposing a tax on distilled spirits had, from its first 
operation excited much uneasiness in various parts of 
the country, and in some districts it had been evaded 
and openly resisted. The inspectors of the revenue 
appointed by the government were insulted, threat- 
ened, and even prevented by force from discharging 
their duty. To so great a length had these outrages 
gone in some places, as early as September, 1792, that 
a proclamation was published by the President, ad- 
monishing all persons to refrain from combinations 
and proceedings, which obstructed the execution of the 
laws, and requiring the magistrates and courts to 



42S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl794. 

exert the powers vested in them for bringing to justice 
the offenders. Bills of indictment were found against 
some of these persons, and the marshal attempted to 
serve the processes issued by the court. He was met 
by a body of armed men, seized, detained, and harshly 
treated. The malcontents proceeded from one degree 
of excess to another, holding seditious meetings, arm- 
ing themselves, abusing the officers of the government, 
and bidding defiance to the laws, till they assumed the 
attitude of an insurrection, and prepared for an organ- 
ized resistance. 

The moderation and forbearance, which, according 
to his usual practise, the President had exercised to- 
wards these deluded people for more than two years, 
served only to increase their violence, and encou rage their 
determined spirit of hostility. He could no longer hes- 
itate, as to the course he ought to pursue. He resolved 
to employ the means intrusted to him by the laws, and 
suppress the insurrection by military force. As a pre- 
paratory step, he issued a proclamation, dated on the 
7th of August, in which, after briefly narrating the 
criminal transactions of the insurgents, and what had 
been done by the government to allay their discon- 
tents and turn them from their treasonable practises, 
he declared his determination to execute the laws by 
calling the militia to his aid, and commanded the in- 
surgents and all persons concerned in abetting their 
acts to disperse and retire peaceably to their abodes 
before the first day of September. 

Having sent out this proclamation, as a preliminary 
measure exacted by the laws, he next made a requisi- 
tion for militia on the governors of New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The insurgents 
chiefly resided in the western counties of Pennsylvania. 
It was supposed there were among them about sixteen 
thousand men capable of bearing arms, ff^d that they 



^T, 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429 

could bring at least seven thousand men into active 
service. The number of militia at first ordered out was 
twelve thousand, and it was subsequently increased to 
fifteen thousand. The Governors of Pennsylvania and 
Kew Jersey took the field at the head of the troops 
from their respective States, and the command of the 
whole was conferred on Governor Lee of Yirginia. 
The place of rendezvous for the Pennsj^lvania and New 
Jersey troops was Bedford. Those from Yirginia and 
Maryland assembled at Cumberland, the site of Old 
Fort Cumberland, at the junction of Will's Creek with 
the Potomac River. From every quarter the militia 
came forward with alacrity, and the best disposition 
was shown by officers and privates to execute the 
orders of the government. 

The President, accompanied by the Secretary of 
War, inspected the army at the two places of rendez- 
vous. He went, by way of Harrisburg and Carlisle, 
first to Cumberland, and thence to Bedford, these 
places being about thirty miles apart. He gave direc- 
tions for each division to march across the Alleghany 
Mountains, meet on the other side, and act against the 
insurgents as circumstances should require. Ascertain- 
ing from personal examination that everything was in 
readiness, and leaving written instructions with General 
Lee, he returned to Philadelphia. Congress was soon 
to meet, and it was important for him to be there at 
that time. He was absent four weeks. 

When he left home he intended to cross the moun- 
tains and lead the army in person, if this should seem 
expedient ; but the intelligence he received on the way, 
and the spirit which animated the troops, convinced 
him that the insurgents would make no formidable re- 
sistance to such a force, and that his further attendance 
on the expedition was not necessary. The Secretary 
of War went on with the army to Pittsburg. The 



430 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794. 

result was even more fortunate than could have been 
expected. Iso resistance was attempted, and no blood 
was shed. To preserve quiet, and secure what had 
been gained, a body of troops continued for some 
time in the disaffected country, under the command of 
General Morgan. 

In the President's speech to Congress, after mention- 
ing somewhat in detail the course he had taken to sup- 
press the insurrection, he recommended further provi- 
sions for defense, particularly a reform of the militia sys- 
tem, and also advised that some plan should be adopted 
for redeeming the public debt, which now amounted to 
about seventy-six millions of dollars. While this last 
subject was under discussion in Congress, the Secretary 
of the Treasury reported a scheme, which he had 
matured on the basis of the laws previously enacted for 
regulating the fiscal operations of the government. A 
sinking fund had already been established by setting 
apart for that purpose a portion of certain specified 
taxes ; and he proposed that this fund should be en- 
larged by increasing the duties on imports, tonnage, 
and distilled spirits, by the money accruing from the 
sales of public lands, and dividends on bank stock, and 
the surplus revenue remaining after the annual appro- 
priations had been expended, and that the fund, thus 
increased, should be applied to the redemption of the 
debt. This report occasioned much debate, but the 
secretary's plan was substantially approved, and an act 
conformable to it was passed. 

Before the end of the session, Hamilton resigned the 
office of Secretary of the Treasury. The vacancy was 
filled by Oliver Walcott, who was strongly recom- 
mended by Hamilton, and whose character was well 
known and highly respected by the President. Gen- 
eral Knox likewise retired from the war department, 
and was succeeded by Timothy Pickering, at that time 



^T. G2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 431 

Postmaster-general, whose services in Revolution th© 
had qualiiied him in an eminent degree for executing 
the duties of Secretary of "War. 

The treaty with Great Britain, negotiated by Mr. 
Jay, arrived at the seat of government in March, short- 
ly after the session of Congress was closed. The Con- 
stitution had provided, that all treaties should be rati- 
fied by the Senate, and the President summoned that 
body to meet in June for the purpose of consider- 
ing it. 

In the interval, he examined and studied the treaty 
with the closest attention. It was not altogether such 
as he wished, perhaps not such as he had hoped. Points 
Yfere left untouched, which he would gladly have seen 
introduced and definitely settled; others w^ere so ar- 
ranged, that he feared they would not prove a sufficient 
guard against future difficulties between the two 
nations. But he had perfect confidence in the ability, 
knowledge, and patriotism of Mr. Jay. He Avas con- 
vinced, that more favorable terms could not be ob- 
tained, and that the only alternative was this treaty 
or none. Some valuable privileges were secured, 
nothing had been sacrificed, the national honor was 
maintained, and a pledge of amity was held out. If the 
treaty w^as rejected, a war w^ould certainly follow, the 
calamities of which, in the actual state of Europe, 
would be incalculable, and no one could predict when 
they would end, or to what they w^ould lead. Deeply 
impressed with these sentiments, and believing peace 
the greatest blessing his country could possess, he re- 
solved, in case the treaty should be approved by the 
Senate, to affix to it his signature. 

The Senate assembled in June, and after two Aveeks' 
discussion, advised the ratification. One article, how- 
ever, was excepted. By this article it was stipulated, 
that a direct trade between the United States and the 



432 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

British West India Islands should be allowed to Ameri- 
can vessels not exceeding the burden of seventy tons, 
laden with the produce of the States or of the Islands; 
bat that molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton 
should not be transported in American vessels, either 
from the United States or the Islands, to any part of 
world. As cotton was then becoming a product of 
much importance in the southern States and had be- 
gun to be exported, this restriction was deemed inad- 
missible ; and the ratitication of the Senate was to be 
valid only on condition that an article should be intro- 
duced, canceling the one in which the restriction was 
contained. JSTor was there a unanimity even Avith 
this limitation. A bare constitutional majority, that 
is, exactly two-thirds of the members, voted in favor 
of the treaty. 

As this was a novel case, the President was some- 
what at a loss to determine how to dispose of it. 
Whether the act of the Senate could be regarded as a 
ratification of the treaty, before this new article should 
be approved by the British government, and w^hether 
his signature could properly be affixed to it previously 
to that event, were questions which he took time to 
consider. A new obstacle was thrown in the way by 
intelligence from Europe, that the British cabinet had 
renewed the order for seizing provisions in vessels 
bound to French ports. As this order might imply a 
construction of the treaty, which could never be ad- 
mitted in the United States, it was necessary still 
further to suspend his decision. Viewing the subject 
in all its relations, however, he inclined to the opinion, 
that it was best to ratify the treaty with the condition 
prescribed by the Senate, and at the same time to 
accompany it with a memorial or remonstrance to the 
British government against the provision order. 

Meantime the treaty was published. At first an im* 



^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433 

perfect abstract only appeared ; but a complete copy- 
was soon after furnished by a member of the Senate 
to the editor of a newspaper. It thus came clandes- 
tinely before the public, without the authority of the 
executive, and without any of the official documents 
and correspondence, by which the objects and reasons 
of the negotiators could be explained. It was dissected, 
criticised, and condemned, in a tone of passionate and 
violent declamation, which could scarcely have been 
exceeded, if the instrument had reduced the United 
States to their former colonial dependence on England. 
The merits of the treaty were studiously kept out of 
sight, and all its objectionable parts were thrust for- 
ward, exaggerated, and censured as disgraceful and. 
humiliating to the nation. It was impossible that a 
clamor so loud and so universal should not produce a 
strong impression upon every class of the community. 
The friends of the administration rallied in its defense, 
but they used the weapons of reason and argument ; 
they talked of moderation and peace, of consistency and 
good faith. They found few patient listeners, and 
fewer impartial judges. The torrent was neither to 
be stemmed, nor diverted from its course. Public 
meetings were held ; and resolutions and addresses, 
condemning the treaty, and designed to have a popular 
effect, and to intimidate the executive, were voted, 
published, and widely circulated among the people. 

The first resolves of this sort proceeded from a 
meeting in Boston. They were forwarded by an 
express to the President, with a letter from the select- 
men of the town. He received them at Baltimore, 
while on his way to Mount Vernon. Ten days after- 
wards, having carefully reviewed the subject, and 
ascertained the sentiments of the cabinet, he answered 
the letter. It had been his aim, he said, in every act 
of his administration, to seek the happiness of his feL 



434 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

low-citizens, to discard personal, local, and partial con- 
siderations, to look upon the United States as one 
nation, and to consult only their substantial and per- 
manent interests. " Without a predilection for my 
own judgment," he added, " I have weighed with at- 
tention every argument, which has at any time been 
brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide, 
which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the 
President the power of making treaties, with the 
advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless 
supposed, that these two branches of government 
would combine, without passion, and with the best 
means of information, those facts and principles upon 
which the success of our foreign relations will always 
depend ; that they ought not to substitute for their 
own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth 
through any channel but that of a temperate and well 
informed investigation. Under this persuasion, I 
have resolved on the manner of executing the duty 
before me. To the high responsibility attached to it, 
I freely submit ; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty 
to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my 
procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for 
the many instances of approbation from my country, 
I cannot otherwise deserve it, than by obeying the 
dictates of my conscience." To these sentiments 
he steadily adhered, and he answered many of the 
addresses sent to him in nearly the same language. 

From the excitement that prevailed, however, and 
from the resolves of meetings in all parts of the 
country, he soon perceived that a formidable attempt 
was making to stir up the people, with a view of oper- 
ating on the executive. To defeat this purpose, and 
to put an end to the disorders hourly increasing by the 
combined action of overheated zeal, artifice, and party 
spirit, he returned to Philadelphia, summoned the 



^T. 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435 

cabinet, and submitted the proposition for immediately 
ratifying the treaty. It was approved by all the mem- 
bers except the Secretary of State, who, although he 
had before been in favor of it, now thought the step 
premature, till the provision order should be revoked, 
and the war between England and France should 
cease. This opinion had no effect on the President. 
He signed the treaty, the order was in due time re- 
pealed, and the ratification, on the terms advised by 
the Senate, was reciprocated by the British govern- 
ment. 

The day following that on which the President 
affixed his name to the treaty, Mr. Randolph resigned 
the office of Secretary of State. The circumstances 
are these. While Washington was at Mount Yernon, 
the British minister, Mr. Hammond, put into the 
hands of the Secretary of the Treasury a letter from 
M. Fauchet to the French government, which had 
been intercepted at sea, whence it found its way to 
the British cabinet, and was forwarded to Mr. Ham- 
mond. The letter was translated by Mr. Pickering, 
and shown to the President when he arrived in Phila- 
delphia. Its contents were such as to excite suspicions 
of Mr. Randolph's conduct. It appeared that his 
political relations with the French minister had been 
more intimate and confidential than was compatible 
with the office he held in the administration. At all 
events, it seemed a fair inference from the language of 
the letter that M. Fauchet valued his services as having 
been useful to the French interests, and calculated on 
them for the future. 

In the presence of the other members of the cabinet 
the President handed this letter to Mr. Randolph and 
asked an explanation. He had not before heard of it ; 
and, although he read it without emotion, he expressed 
jnuch displeasure at the President's manner of bringing 



436 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

it to his notice, and complained that he did not first 
converse with him on the subject privately. He said 
that he wished more leisure to examine the letter, be- 
fore making any detailed remarks on its contents, but 
added that, considering the treatment he had received, 
he could not think of remaining in his office a moment 
longer. Accordingly he sent in his resignation the 
same day. 

Mr. Kandolph published a pamphlet vindicating his 
conduct, and explaining such parts of the intercepted 
letter as related to him. From M. Fauchet, who was 
then on the point of leaving the country, he also ob- 
tained a certificate, in which that minister declared 
that in his letter he had no intention to say anything 
to the disadvantage of Mr. Randolph's character. The 
statements presented by Mr. Randolph, in proof of his 
innocence, were not such as to produce entire convic- 
tion ; but the nature of his task rendered it difficult, if 
not impossible, for him to adduce positive evidence. 
He moreover allowed himself to be betrayed into a 
warmth of temper, and bitterness of feeling, not alto- 
gether favorable to his candor. After all that has 
been made known, the particulars of his conversations 
with Fauchet, and his designs, are still matters of con- 
jecture. 

One fact connected with this affair should be men- 
tioned, as being highly creditable to Washington. In 
preparing his vindication, Mr. Randolph applied for a 
certain letter, and intimated that papers were withheld. 
"Washington said, in reply : " That you may have no 
cause to complain of the withholding of any paper, 
however private and confidential, which you shall 
think necessary in a case of so serious a nature, I have 
directed that you should have the inspection of my let- 
ter agreeably to your request, and you are at full lib- 
erty to publish without reserve any and every private 



Mt. 63]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 437 

and confidential letter I ever wrote to you ; nay, more, 
every v^ord I ever uttered to you, or in your hearing, 
from whence you can derive any advantage in your 
vindication." When it is remembered, that Mr. Kan- 
dolph had been in the cabinet from the beginning of 
the administration, the liberty here given affords a 
striking proof of the consciousness felt by Washington 
of the perfect rectitude of his own proceedings. 

Mr. Pickering was transferred from the war depart- 
ment to the oifice of Secretary of State, and James 
McHenry of Maryland was appointed Secretary of 
War. Mr. Bradford, the Attorney-general had recently 
died. He was succeeded by Charles Lee of Virginia. 



438 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1795. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

The President refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in 
relation to the British Treaty.— Captivity of Lafayette, and Means used by 
Washington to procure his Liberation.— Difficulties with France in regard 
to the British Treaty.— Recall of Mr. Monroe.— Washington's Farewell Ad- 
dress.— His last Speech to Congress.— Inauguration of his Successor.— Testi- 
mony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Pliiladelphia. — He retires 
to Mount Vernon. — Review of his Administration, 

The foreign relations of the United States had begun 
to put on a more favorable aspect. Treaties were ne- 
gotiated with Spain and Algiers, by which the prison- 
ers who had been in bondage for many years under 
the latter power, were released, and the difficulties with 
the former, respecting boundaries and the navigation 
of the Mississippi, were amicably adjusted. The vic- 
tory of General 'Wa3^ne had also smoothed the Avay to 
a treaty with the Indians. On this state of aifairs the 
President congratulated both houses of Congress, when 
he met them at the opening of the session. 

But the British treaty was destined to be a cause of 
still further agitation. Great exertions had been made 
throughout the country to obtain signatures to peti- 
tions against it, which were to be presented to the 
House of Eepresentatives. And, when the treaty was 
submitted to Congress, as having been ratified by his 
Britannic Majesty, the members opposed to it indicated 
a determined purpose to defeat its operation by refus- 
ing to pass the laws necessary for carrying it into ef- 
fect. The warfare was commenced by a resolution, to 
which a large majority assented, requesting the Presi- 
dent to lay before the House the instructions to Mr. Jay, 
and the correspondence and other documents relating 
to the negotiation. 



Mt. 64.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 439 

This request imposed a delicate task on the President. 
In his opiLion, the power to form treaties rested wholly 
with the chief magistrate and the Senate, and he be- 
lieved that the House of Representatives had no right 
to make a demand, which would imply an encroach- 
ment on this power, nor in any manner to interfere 
with the negotiation of treaties. Yet, in the present 
excited state of public feeling, a refusal of the request 
woj.ld expose him to the charge of showing disrespect 
to the representatives of the people, raise suspicions of 
his motives, and probably furnish a pretext for insinu- 
ations, that he had personal reasons for concealment. 

From the line of duty, however, he was never known 
to deviate ; and in this case it was too plain to be mis- 
taken. In his answer to the communication from the 
house, he refused a compliance with the request, and 
gave his reasons. He said it was clear to his mind, 
that the power of making treaties was vested by the 
Constitution exclusively in the President, with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate ; that, having been a 
member of the convention, he knew this was the un- 
derstanding of the framers of the Constitution ; that 
the subject was fully discussed ; that there were reasons 
for believing the State conventions understood it in the 
same way ; that this construction had hitherto been 
acquiesced in by the House of Representatives ; and 
that a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty 
of his office, required him to resist the principle con- 
tended for by the house. H allowed to be put in prac- 
tise, it would destroy the confidence of foreign powers 
in the executive, derange the government, and lead to 
the most mischievous consequences, when it would be 
too late to apply a remedy. 

The members who voted for the resolution, were not 
prepared for this refusal ; nor did they conceal their 
disappointment and dissatisfaction. The message gave 



440 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 

rise to a debate, which continued for many days, and 
in which the merits of the treaty, and the constitu- 
tional powers of the several departments of the govern- 
ment, AT ere elaborately discussed. Passion, party zeal, 
eloquence, and argument were all brought to bear on 
the subject ; and the speeches show, that both sides of 
the question were maintained w^ith unusual ability and 
force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of the mem- 
bers who were opposed to the treaty yielded to the 
exigency of the case, and, probably more from expe- 
diency than conviction, united in passing the laws 
necessary for its fulfilment. 

Among the events, w^hich contributed to harass the 
mind and weigh upon the spirits of Washington, none 
affected him more keenly than the captivity of La- 
fayette. Gratitude for the services rendered by 
Lafayette to the United States in times of distress and 
peril, a respect for his character, founded on a long 
and intimate acquaintance, and a knowledge of his 
pure and disinterested principles, had created an ardent 
attachment, of which many proofs have been exhibited 
in thir narrative, and many others might be added. 
In proportion to the strength of this attachment w^as 
his affliction at the sufferings of his friend. 

After receiving the intelligence of his capture, Wash- 
ington wrote letters to the Marchioness de Lafayette, 
expressive of his S3aiipathy, and affording all the con- 
solation in his power. His regret was the greater, be- 
cause, being at the head of the nation, the famil}^ of 
Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in Europe, 
expected much from his aid ; while in reality he could 
do nothing more, except by his personal influence, than 
any other individual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first 
in the Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. 
There was no diplomatic intercourse between those 
countries and the United States. Hence the American 



^T. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ul 

government, without authority to make a demand or 
power to enforce it, either directly or through the 
agency of other governments, could take no decisive 
steps for his release. 

Instructions were sent, and often repeated, to the 
American ministers at foreign courts, directing them 
to use all their efforts in his favor. These instructions 
were faithfully obeyed. Nothing more could be done. 
The mediation of the British cabinet was sought, but not 
obtained. That he might leave no means untried, 
Washington at last wrote a letter to the Emperor of 
Germany, stating his friendship for Lafayette, suggest- 
ing in delicate terms that his sufferings had perhaps 
been as great as the nature of his case demanded, and 
requesting that he might be permitted to come to the 
United States under such restrictions as his Majesty, 
the Emperor, might think it expedient to prescribe. 
What influence this letter may have had on the mmd 
of the Emperor, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not 
known When restored to liberty, he was dehvered 
over, by order of the Austrian government, to the 
American consul at Hamburg. ^ i .. 

When the wife and daughters of Lafayette lett 
France, to join him in the prison of Olmutz, his son 
Georo-e Washington Lafayette, came to the United 
States. He was affectionately received into the family 
of President Washington, where he resided nearly two 
years, till he returned to Europe on hearing of the 
liberation of his father. ^ 

Not lono- after the treaty was conditionally ratitiecl 
by the Semate, acopY of it was furnished to the French 
minister, M. xVdet, the successor of M. Fauchet He 
objected to some parts of it, as at variance with the 
treaty subsisting between France and the United 
States His objections were answered by the Secretary 
of State, and such explanations were given as showed, 



442 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. p79S. 

that the treaty could in no degree injure the interests 
of France, and that the government of the United 
States was resolved faithfully to fulfil their compact 
with that nation, according to the strict principles of 
neutrality, which it was bound to observe in regard to 
the belligerent powers of Europe. But the rulers of 
the French republic had viewed with jealousy Mr. Jay's 
negotiation, as diminishing their hope of a war between 
Great Britain and the United States ; and it is not 
surprising, that they should be quick to find out points 
in the treaty, which, by their construction, might be 
turned to the disadvantage of France. Foreseeing this 
result, and anxious to remove every ground of dissatis- 
faction, Washington caused very full instructions to 
be sent to Mr. Monroe, that he might be able to explain 
the articles of the treaty, as understood by the Amer- 
ican government, and also their designs and conduct 
in making it. 

From the tenor of Mr. Monroe's letters, and from 
the proceedings of the French Directory, the President 
was led to believe, that the minister had been back- 
ward in using his instructions, and in furnishing the 
required explanations. It was known, likewise, that 
he was hostile to the treaty ; and of course, with 
the best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly 
enter into the views of the government with the zeal, 
and represent them with the force of conviction, which 
the importance of the occasion demanded. The only 
remedy was to send out another minister. It was re- 
solved, therefore, to recall Mr. Monroe, and make a 
new appointment. This resolution was unanimously 
approved by the cabinet. Mr. Monroe was accord- 
ingly recalled, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was 
sent to supply his place. 

Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had 
been permitted to return home, having discharged the 



^T. 64.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 443 

duties of his office in England, and on a mission for 
negotiating a treaty at Madrid, to the entire satisfac- 
tion of the executive and of his country. Eufus King, 
who had been a senator from the beginning of the new 
government, was appointed as his successor at the court 
of Great Britain. 

When the second period of four years, for which 
Washington had been elected to the Presidency, was 
approaching its termination, many of his friends, con- 
cerned at the present state of the country, and fearing 
the consequences of the heats and divisions that would 
arise in choosing his successor, pressed him earnestly to 
make a still further sacrifice of his inclination to the 
public good. But his purpose was fixed, and not to be 
changed. He believed that he had done enough, and 
that he might now, without any dereliction of duty, 
resign the helm of government into other hands. Hav- 
ing determined to retire, he thought proper to make 
this determination known in a formal manner, and at 
so early a day, as to enable his fellow-citizens to turn 
their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare for a 
new election. 

Accordingly his Farewell Address to the people of 
the United States was published on the 15th of Sep- 
tember, nearly six months before his term of office 
expired. In this paper are embodied the results of his 
long experience in public affairs, and a system of policy, 
which in his opinion was the best suited to insure to 
his country the blessings of the union, peace, and pros- 
perity, and the respect of other nations. For the vigor 
of its language, the soundness of its maxims, the wis- 
dom of its counsels, and its pure and elevated senti- 
ments, this performance is unrivaled ; and the lapse of 
forty years has rather increased than diminished the 
admiration with which it was universally received. 
The sensation, which it produced in every class of the 



44:4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 

community, was as strong as it lias been permanent. 
Even the fierce spirit of party could not resist the 
impulse, nor weaken its force. The State legislatures, 
when they assembled, and other public bodies, voted 
addresses and thanks to the President, expressing a 
cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight 
years in which he had filled the office of chief magis- 
trate, and their deep regret that the nation was to be 
deprived of his services. In some of the States, the 
Farewell Address was printed and published with the 
laws, by order of the legislatures, as an evidence of the 
value they attached to its political precepts, and of 
their affection for its author. 

The two houses of Congress came together in Decem- 
ber, and Washington met them for the last time. As 
he had usually done in his former speeches, he first 
presented a clear and comprehensive view of the con- 
dition of the country, and the executive proceedings 
Avithin the last year, and then recommended to their 
consideration certain measures, which he deemed im- 
portant. Among these were the gradual increase of 
the navy, a provision for the encouragement of agri- 
culture and manufactures, the establishment of a 
national university, and the institution of a military 
academy. The relations with France were made the 
subject of a separate message. At the end of his 
speech he said : 

" The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, 
in the midst of the representatives of the people of 
the United States, naturally recalls the period when the 
administration of the present form of government com- 
menced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate 
you and my country, on the success of the experiment, 
nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme 
Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of ISTa- 
tions, that his providential care may still be extended 



Mt, 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 445 

to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of 
the people may be preserved ; and that the government, 
which they have instituted for the protection of their 
liberties, may be perpetual." 

Little was done during the session. Public atten- 
tion was engrossed with the pending election. The 
votes of the electors were returned to Congress, and in 
February they were opened and counted in the pres- 
ence of both houses. It appeared that John Adams 
was chosen President, and Thomas Jefferson Yice- 
President, the former having the highest number of 
votes, and the latter the next highest. The strength 
of the parties was tried in this contest. Mr. Adams 
was supported by the friends of the administration, or 
the federal party, and Mr. Jefferson by its opponents, 
or the democratic party. 

On the 4th of March the President elect took the 
oath of office and assumed its duties. The ceremony 
was performed in the hall of the House of Kepresenta- 
tives, and in the same manner as had been practised 
on former occasions. Washington was present as a 
spectator, happy in resigning the burden of his office, 
and gratified to see it confided to one, whose long and 
patriotic services in the cause of his country rendered 
him worthy of so high a trust. 

The citizens of Philadelphia celebrated the day by a 
testimony of respect for the man, whom they, in com- 
mon with the whole nation, loved and revered. A 
splendid entertainment was prepared, which was de- 
signed for him as the principal guest, and to which 
were invited foreign ministers, the heads of the depart- 
ments, officers of rank, and other distinguished per- 
sons. A spacious rotunda was fitted up for the occa- 
sion, in which were elegant decorations, emblematical 
paintings, fanciful devices, and a landscape represent- 
ing Mount Yernon and the scenery around it, all con- 



446 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. 

spiring to revive associations connected with the life 
of Washington. 

The following anecdote was communicated by the 
late Bishop White. " On the day before President 
Washington retired from office, a large company dined 
with him. Among them were the foreign ministers 
and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, 
and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During 
the dinner much hilarity prevailed ; but, on the re- 
moval of the cloth, it was put an end to by the Presi« 
dent, certainly without design. Having filled his 
glass, he addressed the company, with a smile, as nearly 
as can be recollected in the following w^ords : ' Ladies 
and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your 
health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing 
you all possible happiness.' There was an end of all 
pleasantry. He, who gives this relation, accidentally 
directed his e^^e to the lady of the British minister, 
Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her cheeks." 

Being once more a private citizen, and having already 
made preparation for his departure, he proceeded im- 
mediately with his family to Mount Yernon. In pass- 
ing along the road he was welcomed with the same 
hearty demonstrations of attachment, as Avhen clothed 
with the dignity and power of office. Before he 
reached Baltimore, he was met by a military escort and 
a large concourse of the inhabitants, who accompanied 
him into the city ; and it was not till he had actually 
arrived at his own mansion, in the tranquil retreat of 
Mount Yernon, that he could say he was no longer a 
public man. 

In reviewing the administration of Washington, now 
that the effervescence of party is subsided, and in trac- 
ing its effects on the formation and progress of the 
government, there can hardly be a difference of opinion. 
JTo one can doubt its wisdom or its success. Whether 



Mt. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 447 

another sjstem, more conformable to the views of those 
who opposed his principal measures, might not have 
operated equally well, is not a question which needs to 
be discussed. When a great and permanent good has 
been done, with the purest motives on the part of the 
actor, it is not necessary, in forming a just estimate of 
this good, to inquire by what other means the same 
end might have been attained. 

IsTotwithstanding the innumerable embarrassments, 
which attended the first operations of the new govern- 
ment, the nation was never more prosperous than 
while Washington was at its head. Credit was re- 
stored, and established on a sound basis ; the public 
debt was secured, and its ultimate payment provided for; 
commerce had increased beyond any former example ; 
the amount of tonnage in the ports of the United States 
had nearly doubled ; the imports and exports had aug- 
mented in a considerable larger ratio ; and the revenue 
was much more abundant than had been expected. 
The war with the Indians was conducted to a success- 
ful issue ; and a peace was concluded, which promised 
quiet to the frontier inhabitants, and advantages to the 
uncivilized tribes. Treaties had been made with for- 
eign powers, in which long standing disputes were 
amicably settled, contending claims adjusted, and im- 
portant privileges gained to the United States. The 
relations with France alone remained in a state of in- 
certitude and perplexity ; and this was owing to the 
condition of affairs in Europe, and not to anything 
that had grown out of the acts or policy of the Ameri- 
can government. 



448 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1797. 



CHAPTER XL. 

Washington devotes himself to his private Affairs. — Troubles between France 
and the United States.— Preparations for War.— Washington appointed 
Comraander-in-chief of the Provisional Array of the United States.— Organ- 
ization and Arrangement of the Army.— Disputes with France adjusted.— 
His last Illness and Death,— His Character. 

Eeing established again at Mount Vernon, and 
freed from public toils and cares, Washington re- 
turned to the same habits of life, and the same pur- 
suits, which he had always practised at that place. It 
required neither time nor new incitements to revive a 
taste for occupations, which had ever afforded him 
more real enjoyment than any others. Although he 
had been able to exercise a partial supervision over 
his private affairs, yet he found, that, after an absence 
of eight years, much was to be done to repair his 
houses, restore his farms to the condition in which he 
had left them, and complete his favorite system of 
agriculture. To these employments he devoted him- 
self with as lively an interest, as if nothing had oc- 
cured to interrupt them. 

In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he arrived 
at Mount Yernon, he said that he began his daily 
course with the rising of the sun, and first made prep- 
arations for the business of the day. " By the time 
I have accomplished these matters," he adds, "break- 
fast is ready. This being over, I mount my horse and 
ride round my farms, which employs me until it is 
time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see 
strange faces come as they say out of respect to me. 
And how different is this from having a few social 
friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of sitting 



Mt. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 449 

at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within the dawn 
of candlelight ; previous to which, if not prevented by 
company, I resolve, that, as soon as the glimmering 
taper supplies the place of the great luminary, I will 
retire to my writing-table, and acknowledge the letters 
I have received. Having given you this history of a 
day, it will serve for a year." And in this manner a 
year passed away, and with no other variety than 
that of the change of visitors, who came from all parts 
to pay their respects or gratify their curiosity. 

But, in the midst of these scenes, it once more be- 
came his duty to yield to the claim of his country. 
The French Directory had rejected the overtures for 
a reconciliation, and committed outrages and insults 
against the United States, which no independent 
nation could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American 
plenipotentiary, had been treated with indignity, first 
by a refusal to receive him as minister, and next by 
an order to leave the territories of the Eepublic. At 
the same time, depredations were made upon Ameri- 
can commerce by French cruisers, in violation of the 
treaty which had subsisted between the two nations. 
President Adams summoned Congress, submitted the 
subject to them, and recommended preparations for 
military defense. That no method might be left un- 
attempted for bringing about a reconciliation and in- 
suring peace, two envoys extraordinary, John Marshall 
and Elbridge Gerry, were sent out to join Mr. Pinck- 
ney. The three envoys proceeded to Paris, but their 
mission was unsuccessful. 

It seems that the rulers of France had been deceived 
into a belief, that the people of the United States 
would not sustain their government in a war against 
that country. The opposition shown to the British 
treaty had contributed to foster this delusion ; and in- 
deed the conduct of the French ministers in the 



450 I-IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. 

United States, from the time Gen^t arrived at Charles- 
ton had clearly indicated a design to separate the 
people from the government. Such was the confi- 
dence of the Executive Directory in this hope, and such 
their ignorance of the American character, that they 
had the effrontery to demand money of the envoys as 
a preliminary to any negotiation for settling the dif- 
ferences between the two nations. This demand was 
made under the pretense of a redress of grievances, in 
consequence, as it was alleged, of the unfavorable 
operation of the British treaty, and of the system of 
neutrality adopted by the American government. So 
degrading a proposal could not of course be regarded 
in any other light than as an insult. 

I^othing now remained to be done but to prepare 
for war. Congress authorized the President to enlist 
ten thousand men, as a provisional army, and to call 
them into actual service, if war should be declared 
against the United States, or whenever in his opinion 
there should be danger of an invasion. 

As soon as it was foreseen that a resort to arms 
might be necessary, all eyes were turned upon Wash- 
ington as the individual to be placed at the head of the 
army. The weight of his name was of the utmost im- 
portance to produce unanimity in the leaders, and se- 
cure the confidence and support of the people. " You 
ought to be aware," said Hamilton, in writing to him, 
" that, in the event of an open rupture with France, 
the public voice will again call you to command the 
armies of your country ; and, though all who are at- 
tached to you will from attachment, as well as public 
considerations, deplore an occasion, which should once 
more tear you from that repose to which you have so 
good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with 
whom I converse, that you w^ill be compelled to make 
the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to 



^T. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 

give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacri- 
fice." The President also wrote to him : " We must 
have your name, if you will permit us to use it. There 
will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." 
This letter was written before any appointments had 
been made. The following is an extract from Wash- 
ington's reply : 

" From a view of the past and the present, and from 
the prospect of that which seems to be expected, it is 
not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it 
might best become me to act. In case of actual in^ 
vasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not 
intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, 
if my services should be required by my country to 
assist in repelling it. And, if there be good cause, 
which must be better known to the government than 
to private citizens, to expect such an event, delay in 
preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not 
to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, how- 
ever, of the event, in my mind, creates my embarrass- 
ment ; for I cannot fairly bring it to believe, regardless 
as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, 
and capable as I conceive them to be of any spe- 
cies of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt 
to invade this country, after such a uniform and un- 
equivocal expression of the sense of the people in all 
parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes." 

Before receiving this reply, the President had nomi- 
nated him to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the 
armies of the United States. The nomination was 
unanimously confirmed on the 3d of July, the day 
after it was made. The Secretary of War was des- 
patched in person to Mount Yernon, as the bearer of 
the commission. Washington accepted the appoint- 
ment, with two reservations ; first, that the principal 
officers should be such as he approved ; secondly, that he 



452 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1798. 

should not be called into the field, till the army was in 
a condition to require his presence, or till it became 
necessary by the urgency of circumstances. He added, 
however, that he did not mean to withhold any assist- 
ance he could afford in arranging and organizing the 
arm}^ ; and, in conformity with the rule he had always 
followed, he declined receiving any part of the emolu- 
ments annexed to his appointment, until he should be 
in a situation to incur expense. 

There was much embarrassment in appointing the 
principal officers. Some of those, who had served in 
the Kevolution, were prominent candidates for appoint- 
ments in the new army. It became a question whether 
their former rank should be taken into account. If 
this were decided in the affirmative, it would deprive 
the army of the services of men, whose talents, activity, 
and influence were of the greatest moment, but who 
would not accept subordinate places. It was the 
opinion of Washington, that, since the old army had 
long been disbanded, and a new one was now to be 
formed upon different principles and for a different 
object, no regard ought to be paid to former rank, but 
that the best men should be selected, and so arranged 
as most effectually to promote the public good. This 
opinion prevailed. 

The inspector-general was to be the second in com- 
mand, and there were to be likewise two major-generals. 
For these offices Washington proposed Alexander 
Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Henry 
Knox, who were to rank in the order in which their 
names here stand. They were thus appointed. The 
President was not satisfied with the arrangement. 
His choice for the inspector-general rested upon Knox, 
but he acquiesced in the decision of Washington. 
Unfortunately General Knox was displeased with the 
arrangement, and declined accepting his commission. 



^T. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 453 

He believed that his former services gave him higher 
claims than could be advanced for the two younger 
officers who were placed over him. 

From this time to the end of his life a great part of 
Washington's attention was taken up with the affairs 
of the new army. His correspondence with the Secre- 
tary of War, the major-generals, and other officers, was 
unremitted and very full, entering into details and 
communicating instructions, which derived value from 
his long experience and perfect knowledge of the sub- 
ject. His letters during this period, if not the most 
interesting to many readers, will ever be regarded as 
models of their kind, and as affording evidence that 
the vigor and fertility of his mind had not decreased 
with declining years. He passed a month at Phila- 
delphia, where he was assiduously employed with 
Generals Hamilton and Pinckney in making arrange- 
ments for raising and organizing the army. After the 
plan was finished, he applied himself, with all the 
ardor of his younger days, to effect its execution. 

He never seriously believed that the French would 
go to the extremity of invading the United States. 
But it had always been a maxim with him, that a 
timely preparation for war afforded the surest means 
of preserving peace ; and on this occasion he acted 
with as much promptitude and energy, as if the in- 
vaders had been actually on the coast. His opinion 
proved to be correct, and his prediction was verified. 
When it was discovered, that a war with the United 
States would not be against the government alone, but 
that the whole people would rise to resist aggression 
and maintain their rights and dignity as a nation, the 
French rulers relaxed into a more pacific temper. In- 
timations were given by them of a willingness to 
co-operate in effecting a friendly and equitable adjust- 
ment of existing differences. Listening to these oveiv 



4:54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1799. 

tures, the President again appointed three envoys 
extraordinary, and invested them with full powers to 
negotiate with the French government. When they 
arrived in Paris, they found Bonaparte at the head of 
affairs, who, having taken no part in the preceding 
disputes, and perceiving no advantage in continuing 
them, readily assented to an accommodation. Xo 
event was more desired by Washington, but he did not 
live to participate in the joy with which the intelli- 
gence was received bj^ his countrymen. 

Since his retirement from the Presidency, his health 
had been remarkably good ; and, although age had not 
come without its infirmities, yet he was able to endure 
fatigue and make exertions of body and mind with 
scarcely less ease and activity, than he had done in the 
prime of his strength. On the 12th of December he 
spent several hours on horseback, riding to his farms, 
and giving directions to his managers. He returned 
late in the afternoon, wet and chilled with the rain 
and sleet, to which he had been exposed while riding 
home. The water had penetrated to his neck, and 
snow was lodged in the locks of his hair. A heavy 
fall of snow the next day prevented his going abroad, 
except for a short time near his house. A sore throat 
and hoarseness convinced him, that he had taken cold ; 
but he seemed to apprehend no danger from it. He 
passed the evening with the family, read the news- 
papers, and conversed cheerfully till his usual hour for 
going to rest. 

In the night he had an ague, and before the dawn of 
day the next morning, which was Saturday, the 14th, 
the soreness in his throat had become so severe, that 
he breathed and spoke with diflBculty. At his request 
he was bled by one of his overseers, and in the 
meantime a messenger went for Dr. Craik, who lived 
nine miles off, at Alexandria. As no relief was ob 



Mt. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 455 

tained by Heeding, and the symptoms were such as to 
alarm the family, another messenger was despatched 
for Dr. Brown, who resided nearer Mount Yernon. 
These physicians arrived in the morning, and Dr. Dick 
in the course of the day. All the remedies, which 
their united counsel could devise, were used without 
effect. 

His suffering was acute and unabated through the 
day, but he bore it with perfect composure and resigna- 
tion. Towards evening he said to Dr. Craik ; " I die 
hard, but I am not afraid to die. I believed from my 
first attack, that I should not survive it. My breath 
cannot last long." From that time he said little, ex- 
cept to thank the physicians for their kindness, and 
request they would give themselves no more trouble, 
but let him die quietly. Nothing further was done, 
and he sank gradually till between ten and eleven 
o'clock at night, when he expired, in the sixty-eighth 
year of his age, and in the full possession of his mental 
faculties ; exhibiting in this short and painful illness, 
and in his death, the same example of patience, forti- 
tude, and submission to the Divine will, which he had 
shown in all the acts of his life. On Wednesday, the 
18th of December, his remains were deposited in the 
family tomb at Mount Yernon. 

Congress was at this time in session in Philadelphia ; 
and, when the news of the melancholy event arrived 
at the seat of government, both houses immediately 
adjourned for the remainder of the day. The next 
morning, as soon as the House of Representatives had 
convened, Mr. Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, rose 
in his place, and addressed the Speaker in an eloquent 
and pathetic speech, briefly recounting the public acts 
of Washington. He then offered three resolutions, pre- 
viously prepared by General Henry Lee, which were ac- 
cepted. By these it was proposed, that the house sh ould 



456 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 



[1799. 



in a body wait on the President to express their condo* 
lence ; that the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in 
black, and the members and oificers of the house be 
dressed in black, during the session ; and that a com- 
mittee,in conjunction with a committee from the Senate, 
should be appointed " to consider on the most suitable 
manner of paying honor to the memory of the man, first 
in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
fellow-citizens." 




■WASmUGTON'S NEW FAMILY VAULT. 



The Senate testified their respect and sorrow by 
similar proceedings. A joint committee of the two 
houses was appointed, who reported resolutions recom- 
mending, that a marble monument should be erected 
to commemorate the great events in the military and 
political life of Washington ; that an oration, suited to 
the occasion, should be pronounced in the presence of 
both houses of Congress ; that the people of the United 
States should wear crape on the left arm thirty days 



^T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457 

as a badge of mourning ; and that the President, in the 
name of Congress, should be requested to write a letter 
of condolence to Mrs. Washington. These resolutions 
were unanimously adopted. The funeral ceremonies 
were appropriate and solemn. A discourse was de- 
livered on the occasion by General Lee, then a repre- 
sentative in Congress. 

But no formal act of the national legislature was 
required to stir up the hearts of the people, or to re- 
mind them of the loss the}'' had sustained in the death 
of a man, whom they had so long been accustomed to 
love and revere, and the remembrance of whose deeds 
and virtues was so closely connected with that of their 
former perils, and of the causes of their present pros- 
perity and happiness. The mourning was universal. 
It was manifested by every token, Avhich could indicate 
the public sentiment and feeling. Orators, divines, 
journalists, and writers of every class, responded to the 
general voice in all parts of the country, and employed 
their talents to solemnize the event, and to honor the 
memory of him, who, more than any other man, of 
ancient or modern renown, may claim to be called 
The Father of his Country. 

The person of Washington was commanding, grace- 
ful, and fitly proportioned ; his stature six feet, his 
chest broad and full, his limbs long and somewhat 
slender, but well shaped and muscular. His features 
Avere regular and symmetrical, his eyes of a light blue 
color, and his whole countenance, in its quiet state, was 
grave, placid, and benignant. When alone, or not 
engaged in conversation, he appeared sedate and 
thoughtful ; but, when his attention was excited, his 
eyes kindled quickly and his face beamed with anima- 
tion and intelligence. He was not fluent in speech, 
but what he said was apposite, and listened to with 
the more interest as being known to come from the 



4:58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. 

heart. He seldom attempted sallies of wit or humor, 
but no man received more pleasure from an exhibition 
of them by others ; and, although contented in se- 
clusion, he sought his chief happiness in society, and 
participated with delight in all its rational and inno- 
cent amusements. Without austerity on the one hand, 
or an appearance of condescending familiarity on the 
other, he was affable, courteous, and cheerful ; but it 
has often been remarked, that there was a dignity in 
his person and manner, not easy to be defined, which 
impressed every one that saw him for the first time 
with an instinctive deference and awe. This may have 
arisen in part from a conviction of his superiority, as 
well as from the effect produced by his external form 
and deportment. 

The character of his mind was unfolded in the public 
and private acts of his life ; and the proofs of his great- 
ness are seen almost as much in the one as the other. 
The same qualities, which raised him to the ascendency 
he possessed over the will of a nation as the commander 
of armies and chief magistrate, caused him to be loved 
and respected as an individual. Wisdom, judgment, 
prudence, and firmness were his predominant traits. 
No man ever saw more clearly the relative importance 
of things and actions, or divested himself more entirely 
of the bias of personal interest, partiality, and preju- 
dice, in discriminating between the true and the false, 
the right and the wrong, in all questions and subjects 
that were presented to him. He deliberated slowly, 
but decided surely ; and, when his decision was once 
formed, he seldom reversed it, and never relaxed from 
the execution of a measure till it was completed. 
Courage, physical and moral, was a part of his nature ; 
and, whether in battle or in the midst of popular excite- 
ment, he was fearless of danger and regardless of con- 
sequences to himself. 



^T. 67.] LIFE OF "WASHINGTON. 459 

His ambition was of that noble kind, which aims 
to excel in whatever it undertakes, and to acquire a 
power over the hearts of men by promoting their hap- 
piness and winning their affections. Sensitive to the 
approbation of others and solicitous to deserve it, he 
made no concessions to gain their applause, either by 
flattering their vanity or yielding to their caprices. 
Cautious without timidity, bold without rashness, cool 
in counsel, deliberate but firm in action, clear in fore- 
sight, patient under reverses, steady, persevering, and 
self-possessed, he met and conquered every obstacle 
that obstructed his path to honor, renown, and suc- 
cess. More confident in the uprightness of his inten- 
tions, than in his resources, he sought knowledge and 
advice from other men. He chose his counselors 
with unerring sagacity ; and his quick perception of 
the soundness of an opinion, and of the strong points 
in an argument, enabled him to draw to his aid the 
best fruits of their talents, and the light of their 
collected wisdom. 

His moral qualities were in perfect harmony with 
those of his intellect. Duty was the ruling principle 
of his conduct ; and the rare endowments of his 
understanding were not more constantly tasked to de- 
vise the best methods of effecting an object, than they 
were to guard the sanctity of conscience. No instance 
can be adduced, in which he was actuated by a sinis- 
ter motive, or endeavored to attain an end by un- 
worthy means. Truth, integrity, and justice were 
deeply rooted in his mind ; and nothing could rouse 
his indignation so soon, or so utterly destroy his con- 
fidence, as the discovery of the want of these virtues 
in any one whom he had trusted. Weaknesses, follies, 
indiscretions, he could forgive ; but subterfuge and 
dishonesty he never forgot, rarely pardoned. He was 
candid and sincere, true to his friends, and faithful to 



460 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1799. 

all, neither practising dissimulation, descending to 
artifice, nor holding out expectations which he did 
not intend should be realized. His passions were 
strong, and sometimes they broke out with vehemence, 
but he had the power of checking them in an instant. 
Perhaps self-control was the most remarkable trait of 
his character. It was in part the effect of discipline ; 
yet he seems by nature to have possessed this power 
to a degree which has been denied to other men. 

A Christian in faith and practise, he was habitually 
devout. His reverence for religion is seen in his ex- 
ample, his public communications, and his private 
writings. He uniformly ascribed his successes to the 
beneficent agency of the Supreme Being. Charitable 
and humane, he was liberal to the poor, and kind to 
those in distress. As a husband, son, and brother, he 
was tender and affectionate. Without vanity, osten- 
tation, or pride, he never spoke of himself or his 
actions, unless required by circumstances which con- 
cerned the public interests. As he was free from envy, 
so he had the good fortune to escape the envy of 
others, by standing on an elevation which none could 
hope to attain. If he had one passion more strong 
than another, it was love of his country. The purity 
and ardor of his patriotism were commensurate with 
the greatness of its object. Love of country in him 
was invested with the sacred obligation of a duty ; 
and from the faithful discharge of this duty he never 
swerved for a moment, either in thought or deed, 
through the whole period of his eventful career. 

Such are some of the traits in the character of 
"Washington, which have acquired for him the love 
and veneration of mankind. If they are not marked 
with the brilliancy, extravagance, and eccentricity, 
which in other men have excited the astonishment of 
the world, so neither are they tarnished by the follies 



^T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 461 

nor disgraced by the crimes of tliose men. It is the 
happy combination of rare talents and qualities, the 
harmonious union of the intellectual and moral powers, 
rather than the dazzling splendor of any one trait, 
which constitute the grandeur of his character. It the 
title of a great man ought to be reserved for him, who 
cannot be charged with an indiscretion or a vice, who 
spent his life in establishing the independence, the 
dory, and durable prosperity of his country, who 
tucceeded in all that he undertook, and whose successes 
were never won at the expense of honor, justice, 
inteo-rity, or by the sacrifice of a smgle principle, this 
title°will not be denied to Washington. 



THE END. 



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